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Kellogg, if he cared to try his right. Though taunted by the citizens to take a case, he shrank from courting a decision, which he feared must go in favour of his enemies, and would weaken his hold on the Federal power. In spite, therefore, of having the support of Packard, the countenance of Pinch, the salary of a Governor, and an official residence in the State House, William P. Kellogg found his situation grow more desperate every passing day. New Orleans is Louisiana, very much as Paris is France. When New Orleans suffers, Louisiana suffers; when New Orleans recovers, Louisiana recovers. Now, under Kellogg and his reign of anarchy, New Orleans was bankrupt in public credit as well as in private means. A mixed executive of Negroes and strangers ruled the city and jobbed the public lands-a Rump Chamber, in which the Negroes had a large majority, pocketing their fees, and voting bills which have no legal force. A band of Negroes, officered by aliens, ruled the streets an
George H. Williams (search for this): chapter 3
of a free and sovereign people, request William P. Kellogg, as a stranger in their city, to retire. Kellogg shut himself in his apartments, with his Negro guard, but sent out Billings and an officer of his staff to parley with his visitors. You ask the Governor to retire! said Billings, He refuses to hear a message from a body of armed men, accompanied by a menace. The crowd in Canal Street were not armed, as Kellogg and Billings knew. An hour later, Packard telegraphed to Attorney-general Williams: The people assembled at the meeting were generally unarmed. This talk about armed men was meant for Washington and New York, not for New Orleans. Go home, gentlemen, said Marr. Provide yourselves with rations and blankets, and assemble at two o'clock, when arms and leaders will be ready. Packard, feeling uneasy about the mass meeting, had telegraphed to Jackson, in Mississippi, for troops, and early in the day a company had arrived in New Orleans. These troops we
George Washington (search for this): chapter 3
, and assemble at two o'clock, when arms and leaders will be ready. Packard, feeling uneasy about the mass meeting, had telegraphed to Jackson, in Mississippi, for troops, and early in the day a company had arrived in New Orleans. These troops were at the Custom House. He now sent messages to Holly Springs, and was informed by wire that four additional companies were coming to his aid. He chuckled in his sleeve. There is little doubt of a conflict to-night, he joyfully telegraphed to Washington. I have a company of United States troops guarding the Custom House. Four companies are en route from Holly Springs. The local authorities have several hundred men under arms at the State House and arsenals. When Marr went away, Kellogg sent for General Badger and arranged with him the details of an attack on the White citizens. The police, under Badger's orders, were a regiment, drilled and armed like our Irish constabulary, and furnished with a park of guns. This force is raised a
tell? At eleven o'clock on Monday morning. September 14, 1874, a mass meeting of citizens was held in Canal Street. Standing by the great statue of Henry Clay, Marr, as chairman of the meeting, put this question to the citizens-Whether they would endure the reign of anarchy any longer? They replied by shouts that they preferrmbled at the meeting were generally unarmed. This talk about armed men was meant for Washington and New York, not for New Orleans. Go home, gentlemen, said Marr. Provide yourselves with rations and blankets, and assemble at two o'clock, when arms and leaders will be ready. Packard, feeling uneasy about the mass meetine Custom House. Four companies are en route from Holly Springs. The local authorities have several hundred men under arms at the State House and arsenals. When Marr went away, Kellogg sent for General Badger and arranged with him the details of an attack on the White citizens. The police, under Badger's orders, were a regimen
; the city police, a Negro regiment, under General Badger; and the State militia, mainly a Negro ar. When Marr went away, Kellogg sent for General Badger and arranged with him the details of an attack on the White citizens. The police, under Badger's orders, were a regiment, drilled and armed l with tall and burly Negroes. In the hands of Badger this police is nothing but a black praetorian s presence at the State House covered Kellogg, Badger occupied Canal Street, a strong position, sweegden might have to face were three: first, General Badger and the metropolitan police; second, Generuffice to settle the affair. At half-past 2 Badger began to move his forces towards St. Louis Str guns, his heads of column hove in sight, with Badger riding gallantly in front, and some of his lea Fire! cried Ogden. The citizens fired, and Badger dropt from his horse-supposed to be killed. arms in presence of the Federal troops. Of Badger's force, thirty were killed and thirty wounded[2 more...]
ving Kellogg as a stranger from New Orleans, by sending Antoine, the Negro porter, back to his stand in the Custom House, and by installing General McEnery and General Penn in office, as the Governor and Lieutenant-governor of their choice. Election-day was coming on, when a new set of local legislators must be chosen. The cit of disputed powers, where neither party had the sanction of Congress, Longstreet might see his duty in standing aside, while the voters who had chosen McEnery and Penn settled with the voters who had chosen Kellogg and Antoine. Might . . . but who could tell? At eleven o'clock on Monday morning. September 14, 1874, a mass meeate House, and sought a refuge in the Customs under the United States flag. Next morning Longstreet surrendered the State House, which was at once occupied by General Penn. Then peace returned. Shops were opened and cars began to ply. The White movement was complete. But such a change in New Orleans was fatal to the policy o
of Tribunals which reversed each other's decrees. Kellogg, though backed by Grant, was repudiated by Congress. McEnery though supported by the main body of Whit carpet-bagger, sure to stand by Kellogg while his fortunes were upheld by President Grant. Longstreet, the famous soldier, was uncertain. In a question of disputes complete. But such a change in New Orleans was fatal to the policy of President Grant. Election-day was nigh; and if Governor McEnery sat in the State House oft that, with prompt support, the vote might yet be saved to the Republicans. Grant ordered Emory to crush the victorious citizens and restore the beaten scalawagsctory. The one thing certain. was, that Kellogg had not carried the State for Grant. Kellogg had promised his patron five votes out of the six possessed by Louisiana. Of the six votes only two were won for Grant. In the State Legislature, the elections for which were held at the same time as the elections for Congress, th
olice; second, General Longstreet and the State militia; third, General Emory and the Federal troops. His theory was that neither Longstreet nor Emory would feel himself justified in meddling with the purely local question as to whether Kellogg or McEnery had a true majority of votes. Longstreet was a Southern man, and Emory would hardly go against the vote of Congress. Should he be left to deal with Badger and his N kick, and went out laughing. Neither General Longstreet nor General Emory interfered. At five o'clock the four companies arrived from Holly Springs, but were not placed by Emory at Packard's disposal. Longstreet held the State House, which was not attacked. By six o'clock tht, the vote might yet be saved to the Republicans. Grant ordered Emory to crush the victorious citizens and restore the beaten scalawags tperate men. To carry out such a project required a sterner officer than General Emory, and General Sheridan has been sent to New Orleans.
William Pitt Kellogg (search for this): chapter 3
ared must go in favour of his enemies, and would weaken his hold on the Federal power. In spite, therefore, of having the support of Packard, the countenance of Pinch, the salary of a Governor, and an official residence in the State House, William P. Kellogg found his situation grow more desperate every passing day. New Orleans is Louisiana, very much as Paris is France. When New Orleans suffers, Louisiana suffers; when New Orleans recovers, Louisiana recovers. Now, under Kellogg and his other hold on the country than the support of an alien soldiery and a Negro mob. A resolution was carried that five citizens should proceed to the State House, in St. Louis Street, and in the name of a free and sovereign people, request William P. Kellogg, as a stranger in their city, to retire. Kellogg shut himself in his apartments, with his Negro guard, but sent out Billings and an officer of his staff to parley with his visitors. You ask the Governor to retire! said Billings, He ref
Hamilton Fish (search for this): chapter 3
leges and schools were closed. The river companies, unable to get their dues, stinted the supplies of water. Rich and poor were equally distressed. Some nights the streets were dark, the gasmen having stopped the mains. The streets of New Orleans are never safe at night, but in the darkness of that reign of anarchy, every evil thing came forth. Policemen levied black-mail on every shop. These servants of the public carried arms, and men with arms will never starve. Food rose in price. Fish grew scarce and mutton dear. The prisons and asylums were neglected, and their inmates, like those of Naples and Seville, were left to rot in filth and rags. Levees were broken through; and fertile fields lay under water. Weeds and mosses sprang up rich and rank. The cotton fields seemed wasting into jungle, the ramparts crumbling into the river, and streets and gardens rotting in a physical and moral blight. Proud and beautiful New Orleans! Ruined in her trade, her credit, and her h
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