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me he could spare from the Tribune, from his family, and from rest, he did his full share to the satisfaction of his associates and the publishers, and with their help carried the undertaking rapidly to a successful conclusion. The first volume was published in 1858, and the rest followed at regular intervals till 1863, when the last was completed. It was, of course, criticised by specialists, but in spite of the hard times it proved to be a great success. It was thoroughly revised in 1873-76 by the original editors, aided by many additional writers, and may still be regarded as the principal American work of its time. As might be supposed, his receipts from the copyright on these works, although intermittent, proved to be an important addition to Dana's income. He had become a shareholder in the Tribune on his return from Europe in 1849, and his salary as managing editor had been increased first to twenty-five, then to forty, and finally to fifty dollars per week, so that his
January 1st, 1863 AD (search for this): chapter 11
brought forward the proposition that the war could be ended within ninety days if the President would issue his proclamation that Slave-holding by rebels is not recognized by the government of the United States. And this idea was reiterated at intervals till shortly after the battle of Antietam (September 17, 1862), when President Lincoln, in recognition of a growing demand from the people, issued, September 22d, his ever-memorable Emancipation Proclamation, which took effect January 1, 1863, and finally put an end forever to slavery in the United States. Who first formulated this demand it would be impossible to ascertain at this late day, though it is known that it was not favorably considered by Lincoln till he became convinced that he could properly issue it as a war measure. It is worthy of remark that it never received the active support of the army, in whose ranks the love of the Union, and the determination to save it, rather than the hatred of slavery, were alway
e time he could spare from the Tribune, from his family, and from rest, he did his full share to the satisfaction of his associates and the publishers, and with their help carried the undertaking rapidly to a successful conclusion. The first volume was published in 1858, and the rest followed at regular intervals till 1863, when the last was completed. It was, of course, criticised by specialists, but in spite of the hard times it proved to be a great success. It was thoroughly revised in 1873-76 by the original editors, aided by many additional writers, and may still be regarded as the principal American work of its time. As might be supposed, his receipts from the copyright on these works, although intermittent, proved to be an important addition to Dana's income. He had become a shareholder in the Tribune on his return from Europe in 1849, and his salary as managing editor had been increased first to twenty-five, then to forty, and finally to fifty dollars per week, so that
November 6th (search for this): chapter 11
g to the address itself, it declared: No man ever before made such an impression in his first appeal to a New York audience. It is a matter of history that Lincoln was nominated for the presidency on May 19, 1860. From that day till November 6th the Tribune labored night and day to make his election sure. It entertained no doubt of the result. It as yet had no fear of secession, but on October 13th declared: The Union will in no case be shattered. It will not even be seriouslll who meditate treason to pause ere it is too late, and avoid at once the traitor's crime and his doom. On January 17, 1861: Stand firm! No compromise; no surrender of principle! No cowardly reversal of the great verdict of the sixth of November. Let us have the question of questions settled now and for all time! There can never be another opportunity so good as the present. Let us know once for all whether the slave power is really stronger than the Union. Let us have it decid
January 27th, 1859 AD (search for this): chapter 11
m with favor, if not with actual friendship. Withal, it must be recalled that he had never been a thick and thin supporter of Seward. They had met at Albany and elsewhere, and there is abundant evidence that their political, if not their personal, relations were close and confidential. If proof were needed on this point, it will be found in a holograph letter from Seward, marked Private, and addressed to Charles A. Dana, Esq., editor of the Tribune. It runs as follows: Washington, January 27, 1859. My dear Dana, I am glad that you have explained the discordance in the reports of the debate in the Spanish Cortes. I will add a note of it to my speech in the pamphlet publication. For three years I have regarded this Cuba demonstration as the most dangerous one to us that the Democracy could get up, and when it came at last, it was made a subject of anxious and careful discussion. It was apparent to me that the scheme had not yet embodied any such partisan support as could ca
April 18th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 11
ing up the great newspaper with which they had all been connected so long. But gratifying as they must have been to Dana's feelings, they produced no change in his course, nor, so far as can now be ascertained, did they inflame his resentment against those who had joined in his deposition. He was too much of a philosopher for that. Apparently without ill-feeling against any one, he went to Washington shortly afterwards, and in reply to a letter from Robert Carter, he wrote from there, April 18, 1862, as follows: I have no idea that I shall ever go back to the Tribune in any manner. I have sold all my interest in the property, and shall be slow to connect myself again with any establishment where there are twenty masters.... Tomorrow I expect to go out to Manassas on horseback with a small escort and one or two generals. Many letters from Dana to this gentleman, who was for several years the regular correspondent of the Tribune at Washington, have come into my possession,
ea, not around it, lies the appointed way to the Land of Promise, and it will be steadfastly trodden by a brave and loyal people. That Greeley approved this patriotic programme, there is no reason to doubt, but that he penned it can hardly be conceived. It is as certain as any unproven thing can be that it was Dana's brain which conceived it and Dana's hand that wrote it. About the middle of May, 1861, the Tribune began to discuss the feasibility of a movement on Richmond; by the first of June it had begun to cry, Onward, and by the end of that month its columns bristled with: The Nation's war-cry-Forward to Richmond! Forward to Richmond! The Rebel Congress must not be allowed to meet there on July 20th! By that date the place must be held by the National army! And this was kept up with but little variation till the defeat of McDowell's army at Bull Run put a violent end to it. It was for years supposed that Dana himself wrote the article, Forward to Richmond,
September 22nd (search for this): chapter 11
even if he did not write it. During the closing days of the year the Tribune brought forward the proposition that the war could be ended within ninety days if the President would issue his proclamation that Slave-holding by rebels is not recognized by the government of the United States. And this idea was reiterated at intervals till shortly after the battle of Antietam (September 17, 1862), when President Lincoln, in recognition of a growing demand from the people, issued, September 22d, his ever-memorable Emancipation Proclamation, which took effect January 1, 1863, and finally put an end forever to slavery in the United States. Who first formulated this demand it would be impossible to ascertain at this late day, though it is known that it was not favorably considered by Lincoln till he became convinced that he could properly issue it as a war measure. It is worthy of remark that it never received the active support of the army, in whose ranks the love of the Union,
t the wolves howl on! I do not believe they can goad me into another personal letter. In reply to this the paper was urged by a correspondent to continue its military criticism of the government and its efforts to stimulate the army into activity, but declined on the ground that it had reached its conclusion after sleepless nights of thought, and that it could not stand the criticism of itself that followed the disaster of Bull Run. Not content with this, it hastened to declare anew, July 29th: If the States that hate the Union-mean to destroy the Union, were resolved to make war on the Union-had been willing to depart peaceably, and to arrange quietly and decently the terms of separation, we alone among the people of the free States expressed a willingness to let them go. But they would not go in that way. They set themselves to stealing arsenals, fortifications, and custom-houses, that were the property of the Nation. From that hour it has never been possible to let the
December 28th, 1860 AD (search for this): chapter 11
we will hire nobody, bribe nobody, pay nobody, cajole nobody to remain in it. And now a firmer note is heard: The South Carolina secessionists openly proclaim their intention of treading the stars and stripes under foot. The only security the President can have that Fort Moultrie will not be violently seized upon is the presence of a force sufficient to protect it. After Major Anderson had transferred his little garrison from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, there follows, December 28, 1860, a word of warning as hard as adamant: Let us entreat all who meditate treason to pause ere it is too late, and avoid at once the traitor's crime and his doom. On January 17, 1861: Stand firm! No compromise; no surrender of principle! No cowardly reversal of the great verdict of the sixth of November. Let us have the question of questions settled now and for all time! There can never be another opportunity so good as the present. Let us know once for all whether th
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