hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
Lib 1,910 0 Browse Search
W. L. Garrison 682 0 Browse Search
William Lloyd Garrison 593 3 Browse Search
George Thompson 259 1 Browse Search
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) 186 0 Browse Search
United States (United States) 152 0 Browse Search
Jesus Christ 131 1 Browse Search
Isaac Knapp 128 0 Browse Search
Henry C. Wright 126 4 Browse Search
Edmund Quincy 124 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2. Search the whole document.

Found 1,248 total hits in 338 results.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 ...
Milford (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
this interview, he sent Mr. Garrison the following letter, which made a profound impression on the recipient: John Humphrey Noyes to W. L. Garrison. Newark, N. J., March 22, 1837. Lib. 7.166; Am. Socialist, June 12, 1879. Dear Br. Garrison: In addressing you, I use the liberty which ought to exist between every membees it mean? In the second issue he for the first time published Oct. 13, 1837. (without the signature) Noyes's solemn and powerful Ante, p. 145. letter from Newark, as being in accordance with our views and feelings, and as clearly defining what is foolishly styled the no-government theory: it only means the perfect reign ofny single one. She speaks the sentiment of the town in saying that the Liberator will be supported in laying the axe to the root of the tree, as expressed by thy Newark correspondent. The cause must be kept in the hands of laymen, or it will not be maintained. In the same sense was the following comment on a Lib. 7.169. com
France (France) (search for this): chapter 3
hope of the millennium begins where Dr. Beecher's expires—viz., at the overthrow of this nation. 7. The signs of the times clearly indicate the purpose of God to do his strange work speedily. The country is ripe for a convulsion like that of France; rather, I should say, for the French Revolution reversed. Infidelity roused the whirlwind in France. The Bible, by anti-slavery and other similar movements, is doing the same work in this country. So, in the end, Jesus Christ, instead of a blFrance. The Bible, by anti-slavery and other similar movements, is doing the same work in this country. So, in the end, Jesus Christ, instead of a bloodthirsty Napoleon, will ascend the throne of the world. The convulsion which is coming will be, not the struggle of death, but the travail of childbirth—the birth of a ransomed world. I have stated to you only in the letter the principal things which God has urged upon me by his Spirit, and by which he has moved me to nominate Jesus Christ for the Presidency, not only of the United States, but of the world. Is it not high time for abolitionists to abandon a government whose President has
Dorchester, Mass. (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
hurches—but for its speedy bolstering by an Appeal of Clerical Abolitionists on Anti-slavery Measures, published in the New England Spectator of August 2, and bearing the signatures of five clergymen, viz., Charles Fitch, Boston; David Sanford, Dorchester; Wm. M. Cornell, Quincy; Jonas Perkins, Weymouth; and Joseph H. Towne, Boston. The first and last alone were known for their anti-slavery connection; and, in the discussion to which the Appeal instantly gave rise, they had no Lib. 7.134. furt of Gov. Edward Everett, already distinguished in the diplomatic service of the country, as an original writer of several works, and more recently as editor of the North American Review. He was at this time a candidate for Congress from the Dorchester (Mass.) district, and was responding to the catechism which the abolitionists had invented for politicians. warning his fellow-electors that the right of free discussion is not only endangered, but, for the present at least, is actually lost, had w
Quincy, Ill. (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
position of his household, permitted. See his Diary for April 19, July 29, Aug. 23, Sept. 1, 1837. Mr. Garrison writes to G. W. Benson, on June 14: Whittier has just gone to New York, to relieve Stanton from the drudgery of epistolary correspondence, and enable him to come to Massachusetts for a few weeks, in order to complete the victory commenced last year—revolutionize John Quincy Adams's district—drive the Texas question, etc. Stanton is the Napoleon of our cause. Mr. Adams is now at Quincy. He has lately had quite a visitation from several abolition fanatics, and received them all with respect and cordiality. First, James G. Birney and Francis Jackson had a long interview with him—then John G. Whittier and W. L. Garrison—then Angelina E. and Sarah M. Grimke—and then Wm. Goodell. I will tell you something about these visits hereafter. For Mr. Adams's own drafts on the abolitionists for support, see p. 77 of the pamphlet edition of H. B. Stanton's Remarks in the Represen
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 3
ition from the general political use of the New England meeting-house, since the days when the chur on Anti-slavery Measures, published in the New England Spectator of August 2, and bearing the signin behalf of the Lib. 7.139. great body of New England abolitionists, though many of the thirty-niion. You may tell them that the Friends in New England are fast ceasing to be abolitionists ex offGarrison, not only in Massachusetts, but in New England, which was largely represented at Worcesterute, that the clergy, as a body, whether in New England or out of it, have always been most implacaer! . . . Can the orthodox abolitionists of New England continue to go with Mr. Garrison? Not if h endurance of suffering innocence; that, in New England, all organized opposition to our cause has n regard to the murder . . . of a native of New England and citizen Lib. 7.198. of the free State stration, of which the dearest interests of New England will be the first victims, and of which the[5 more...]
Mexico, Mo. (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
ure the man whose age and past office alone saved him from summary violence. Enough that the House Lib. 7.34. formally denied the Constitutional right of slaves to petition; that it suffered the Speaker to rule out, under the gag, Lib. 7.28, 36. petitions protesting against the annexation of Texas because of the existence of slavery there; that both Houses hastened the recognition of Texan independence, Lib. 7.43. and that the Government despatched an army to the frontier as a menace to Mexico; that in December the Lib. 7.87. Southern members theatrically left the House of Lib. 7.211. Representatives in a body when William Slade, of Vermont, presenting a petition for the abolition of slavery in the District, moved (the gag-rule having again lapsed) its reference to the proper committee, with instructions to report a bill; that, after an excited caucus, a fresh gag Called Patton's, after the mover, a Virginian. It forbade even the reading of the petitions. It was summarily
Missouri (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
that Lovejoy was sacrificed on Southern soil. All the towns along the Mississippi were frequented by Southerners, often largely settled by them. Little more than a dozen years had elapsed since the strenuous exertions of Governor Edward Coles had barely defeated the attempt of the Southern element in Illinois to legalize slavery by Washburne's Sketch of Edward Coles, p. 190. amending the constitution. Alton, situated in the southern half of the State, opposite the slave-cursed shore of Missouri and not far from St. Louis, in intimate commercial relations with the cotton-growing districts, was, though owing its prosperity, and even a certain reputation for philanthropy, to Eastern settlers, predominantly Southern in tone. Southern divines helped to harden Tanner's Martyrdom of Lovejoy, p. 125. public sentiment against the further countenance or toleration of Lovejoy; Southern doctors took an active part in the mob, and one of them perhaps fired the murderous shot. So, the year b
mn pulses sending blood Through all the wide-spread veins of endless good. See also the tribute of the Board of Managers of the Mass. A. S. Society, evidently from Mr. Garrison's pen, in Lib. 9: 95, on the eve of Mr. Phillips's departure for Europe. who charmed and surprised the Lib. 7.55, 62. audience, and signalized his complete adhesion to the movement and his abandonment of legitimate worldly ambition by urging a resolution, which would be heard Lib. 7.62. from again,—That, having a gn the Bible —its own Constitution—its treaties with the Indians—the petitions of its citizens: with one hand whipping a negro tied to a liberty-pole, and with the other dashing an emaciated Indian to the ground. On one side stand the despots of Europe, laughing and mocking at the boasted liberty of their neighbor; on the other stands the Devil, saying, Esto perpetua. In view of such a representation, the question urges itself upon me—What have I, as a Christian, to do with such a villain?
East India (search for this): chapter 3
the joy of seeing this work Lib. 7.63. accomplished. Before our eyes close, we wish to see the happy day which shall proclaim liberty to the captive. If it be possible, let the shout of emancipated millions rise, before his ear is dust whose voice first waked the trumpet-note which is rocking the nation from side to side. To him (need I name him?) with at least equal truth may be applied the language of Burke to Fox: It will be a distinction honorable to the age, Speech on Mr. Fox's East India Bill, Dec. 1, 1783. that the rescue of the greatest number of the human race from the greatest tyranny that was ever exercised, has fallen to the lot of one with abilities and dispositions equal to the task;— that it has fallen to the lot of one who has the enlargement to comprehend, the spirit to undertake, and the eloquence to support so great a measure of hazardous benevolence. At the anniversary meeting of the American Anti-Slavery Society, Mr. Garrison was put upon a committee wit
Springfield (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
associate more or less of passivity with martyrdom, and he fell while aggressively repelling with arms an armed mob. In both cases the terms are correctly used, as the circumstances conclusively show. Three presses had already been destroyed on the same spot by the same community; a fourth had been procured, whose destruction meant silence—the opposition, grown more desperate, having already almost compassed the editor's assassination. He might have removed the Observer to Quincy or to Springfield, but there was no assurance that the liberty of the press would be vindicated in either place. The violence at Alton was, indeed, actually preceded and begotten by violence at St. Louis, but the mob-spirit was everywhere endemic at the North. With unsurpassable courage Lovejoy accepted the decision of his friends that the stand should be made then and there, not as for an anti-slavery publication merely or mainly, but for the right under the Constitution and upon American soil to utter
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 ...