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Samuel E. Sewall (search for this): chapter 8
search, critical acumen, and comprehensive views of Theodore D. Weld, Beriah Green, J. G. Fee, and the old work of Duncan. On the constitutional questions which have at various times arisen,--the citizenship of the colored man, the soundness of the Prigg decision, the constitutionality of the old Fugitive Slave Law, the true construction of the slave-surrender clause,--nothing has been added, either in the way of fact or argument, to the works of Jay, Weld, Alvan Stewart, E. G. Loring, S. E. Sewall, Richard Hildreth, W. I. Bowditch, the masterly essays of the Emancipator at New York and the Liberator at Boston, and the various addresses of the Massachusetts and American Societies for the last twenty years. The idea of the antislavery character of the Constitution,--the opiate with which Free Soil quiets its conscience for voting under a pro-slavery government,--I heard first suggested by Mr. Garrison in 1838. It was elaborately argued that year in all our antislavery gatherings, bo
Burlingame (search for this): chapter 8
ir life. But, at the same time, they would fain walk on the road without being soiled by too close contact with the rough pioneers who threw it up. They are wise and honorable, and their silence is very expressive. When I speak of their eminent position and acknowledged ability, another thought strikes me. Who converted these men and their distinguished associates? It is said we have shown neither sagacity in plans, nor candor in discussion, nor ability. Who, then, or what, converted Burlingame and Wilson, Sumner and Adams, Palfrey and Mann, Chase and Hale, and Phillips and Giddings? Who taught the Christian Register, the Daily Advertiser, and that class of prints, that there were such things as a slave and a slaveholder in the land, and so gave them some more intelligent basis than their mere instincts to hate William Lloyd Garrison? [Shouts and laughter.] What magic wand was it whose touch made the toadying servility of the land start up the real demon that it was, and at the
Julius Caesar (search for this): chapter 8
vince of a defeated Church and State to deny the skill of measures by which they have been conquered. It may sound strange to some, this claim for Mr. Garrison of a profound statesmanship. Men have heard him styled a mere fanatic so long, that they are incompetent to judge him fairly. The phrases men are accustomed, says Goethe, to repeat incessantly, end by becoming convictions, and ossify the organs of intelligence. I cannot accept you, therefore, as my jury. I appeal from Festus to Caesar; from the prejudice of our streets to the common sense of the world, and to your children. Every thoughtful and unprejudiced mind must see that such an evil as slavery will yield only to the most radical treatment. If you consider the work we have to do, you will not think us needlessly aggressive, or that we dig down unnecessarily deep in laying the foundations of our enterprise. A money power of two thousand millions of dollars, as the prices of slaves now range, held by a small body
Daniel Webster (search for this): chapter 8
ty, has gone the rounds of the press, and is generally believed. It says :-- We learn, on reliable authority, that Mr. Webster confessed to a warm political friend, a short time before his death, that the great mistake of his life was the famousalk of that speech. If the state ment be true, what an entire want of right feeling and moral sensibility is shows in Mr. Webster! If it be unfounded, still the welcome it has recelved, and the ready belief it has gained, show the popular appreciands, Mr. Senator Sumner,--the discussion of a great national question, of which it has been said that we must go back to Webster's Reply to Hayne, and Fisher Ames on the Jay Treaty, to find its equal in Congress,--praise which we might perhaps qual subject. Yet Mr. Clay, from 1839 down to his death, hardly made a remarkable speech of any kind, except on slavery. Mr. Webster, having indulged now and then in a little easy rhetoric, as at Niblo's and elsewhere, opens his mouth in 1840, generou
Harriet Beecher Stowe (search for this): chapter 8
uld say a word. Marked and unequalled as has been that success, remember, in explanation of the phenomenon,--for Uncle Tom's cabin is rather an event than a book,--remember this: if the old antislavery movement had not roused the sympathies of Mrs. Stowe, the book had never been written; if that movement had not raised up hundreds of thousands of hearts to sympathize with the slave, the book had never been read. [Cheers.] Not that the genius of the author has not made the triumph all her own; e if even with such poor tools we cannot make some more. [Enthusiastic applause.] Antislavery zeal and the roused conscience of the godless come-outers made the trembling South demand the Fugitive Slave Law, and the Fugitive Slave Law provoked Mrs. Stowe to the good work of Uncle Tom. That is something! [Cheers.] Let me say, in passing, that you will nowhere find an earlier or more generous appreciation, or more flowing eulogy, of these men and their labors, than in the columns of the Liberat
J. G. Fee (search for this): chapter 8
at superficial. The pro-slavery side of the question has been eagerly sustained by theological reviews and doctors of divinity without number, from the half-way and timid faltering of Wayland up to the unblushing and melancholy recklessness of Stuart. The argument on the other side has come wholly from the Abolitionists; for neither Dr. Hague nor Dr. Barnes can be said to have added anything to the wide research, critical acumen, and comprehensive views of Theodore D. Weld, Beriah Green, J. G. Fee, and the old work of Duncan. On the constitutional questions which have at various times arisen,--the citizenship of the colored man, the soundness of the Prigg decision, the constitutionality of the old Fugitive Slave Law, the true construction of the slave-surrender clause,--nothing has been added, either in the way of fact or argument, to the works of Jay, Weld, Alvan Stewart, E. G. Loring, S. E. Sewall, Richard Hildreth, W. I. Bowditch, the masterly essays of the Emancipator at New
Wilberforce (search for this): chapter 8
lar that the name of William Lloyd Garrison has never been pronounced on the floor of the United States Congress linked with any epithet but that of contempt! No one of those men who owe their ideas, their station, their audience, to him, have ever thought it worth their while to utter one word in grateful recognition of the power which called them into being. When obliged, by the course of their argument, to treat the question historically, they can go across the water to Clarkson and Wilberforce,--yes, to a safe salt-water distance. [Laughter.] As Daniel Webster, when he was talking to the farmers of Western New York, and wished to contrast slave labor and free labor, did not dare to compare New York with Virginia,--sister States, under the same government, planted by the same race, worshipping at the same altar, speaking the same language,--identical in all respects, save that one in which he wished to seek the contrast; but no; he compared it with Cuba,--[cheers and laughter,]
Horace Mann (search for this): chapter 8
ngame and Wilson, Sumner and Adams, Palfrey and Mann, Chase and Hale, and Phillips and Giddings? When according to rule. [Laughter and cheers.] Mr. Mann, in his speech of February 15, 1850, says: t [Enthusiastic cheers.] So speaks the heart,--Mr. Mann's version is that of the politician. Mr. MMr. Mann's recent speech in August, 1852, has the same non-committal tone to which I have alluded in Mr. igher Law, Mr. Sutherland asked: Is there, in Mr. Mann's opinion, any conflict between that Higher troduce an irrelevant topic into the debate? Mr. Mann avoided any reply, and asked not to be interr The design of Mr. Sutherland is evident. If Mr. Mann had allowed there was no conflict between thetion our Free Soil friends are slow to meet. Mr. Mann saw the dilemma, and avoided it by silence! y remain where it is. If he means that he, Horace Mann, a moral and accountable being, consents to, signifying nothing. If he means that he, Horace Mann, as a politician and party man, consents to
Alvan Stewart (search for this): chapter 8
red man, the soundness of the Prigg decision, the constitutionality of the old Fugitive Slave Law, the true construction of the slave-surrender clause,--nothing has been added, either in the way of fact or argument, to the works of Jay, Weld, Alvan Stewart, E. G. Loring, S. E. Sewall, Richard Hildreth, W. I. Bowditch, the masterly essays of the Emancipator at New York and the Liberator at Boston, and the various addresses of the Massachusetts and American Societies for the last twenty years. Thits conscience for voting under a pro-slavery government,--I heard first suggested by Mr. Garrison in 1838. It was elaborately argued that year in all our antislavery gatherings, both here and in New York, and sustained with great ability by Alvan Stewart, and in part by T. D. Weld. The antislavery construction of the Constitution was ably argued in 1886, in the a Antislavery Magazine, by Rev. Samuel J. May, one of the very first to seek the side of Mr. Garrison, and pledge to the slave his l
Kirk (search for this): chapter 8
covered with eulogy; and our national stock of eloquence is all insufficient to describe how profound and far-reaching was the sagacity of Daniel Webster! Remember who it was that said, in 1831, I am in earnest,--I will not equivocate,--I will not excuse,--I will not retreat a single inch,--and I will be heard! [Repeated cheers.] That speaker has lived twenty-two years, and the complaint of twenty-three millions of people is, Shall we never hear of anything but slavery? [Cheers.] I heard Dr. Kirk, of Boston, say in his own pulpit, when he returned from London,--where he had been as a representative to the Evangelical alliance, --I went up to London, and they asked me what I thought of the question of immediate emancipation. They examined us all. Is an American never to travel anywhere in the world but men will throw this troublesome question in his face? Well, it is all his fault [pointing to Mr. Garrison]. [Enthusiastic cheers.] Now, when we come to talk of statesmanship, of
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