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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 26. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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McDonough (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.22
ted cannot be better illustrated than by incorporating here a notice of a political meeting to be held during that canvass. This notice recently appeared in a number of The Grand Army Record, and is as follows: Democrats once more to the breach! Grand Rally at Bushnell, Friday, November 4th, 1864. Hon. L. W. Ross, Major S. P. Cummings, T. E. Morgan, Joseph C. Thompson will address the people on the above occasion, and disclose to them the whole truth of the matter. White men of McDonough, Who prize the Constitution of our Fathers; who love the Union formed by their wisdom and compromise; Brave men who hate the Rebellion of Abraham Lincoln, and are determined to destroy it; Noble women who do not want their husbands and sons dragged to the Valley of Death by a remorseless tyrant, Rally out to this meeting in your strength and numbers. Central Committee. Mr. Greeley, in his American Conflict, says: It is highly probable that had a popular election been
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.22
r cause was not confined to any State or locality, but pervaded the whole country; nearly every State, except perhaps Massachusetts, Vermont, Kansas, Maine and West Virginia, endorsing the war policy of the Republicans by smaller majorities than theat document is in the following words: His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, viz: New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Conneticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Vir tribute to his character as a man, and his genius and ability as a soldier and statesman; says even Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, referred to him in a speech made during the war, as the clear-headed, practical, dominating Davis. And after referrlly in her just cause—the cause of constitutional liberty. Mr. Henry Cabot Lodge, one of the present Senators from Massachusetts, in his life of Webster, says: When the Constitution was adopted by the votes of the States at Philadelphia, an
Washington, Ga. (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.22
f the right of secession by a trial of President Davis; and this, notwithstanding the fact that since the cry, Crucify Him! Crucify Him!went up at Jerusalem, nearly two thousand years ago, I believe there never was a time when a whole people were more willing to punish one man than were the people of the North, who were in favor of the war, to punish Mr. Davis for his alleged crimes as the leader of our cause and people. Mr. Davis was captured on or about the 10th of May, 1865, near Washington, Ga., and straightway taken to and confined in a casemate at Fortress Monroe. To show how eagerly these war people of the North demanded his life, they attempted first to implicate him in the assassination of Mr. Lincoln. It was even charged in a proclamation issued by the President of the United States that the evidence of Mr. Davis's connection with that atrocious crime appears from evidence in the Bureau of Military Justice. This evidence consisted for the most part of affidavits of wi
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.22
, the vote in New York was 368,726 for Lincoln and 361,986 for McClellan, or a little over 6,000 majority for Lincoln and his cause. Can any one doubt what the result would have been but for what General Butler says he and his troops did? In Pennsylvania the vote was 296,389 for Lincoln, and 276,308 for McClellan. That in Ohio was 265,154 for Lincoln, and 205,568 for McClellan. That in Indiana was 150,422 for Lincoln, and 130,233 for McClellan. That in Illinois was 189,487 for Lincoln, and volutionary War. Article I of that document is in the following words: His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, viz: New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Conneticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, to be free, sovereign and independent states, and he treats with them, &c. &c.—（not with it?) if not since the foundation of Virginia. Slavery was but the occasion of
Lowell (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.22
. This writer then speaks of the conduct of the Northern people as unjust, aggressive, contemptuous of law and right, and as presenting a striking contrast to the boundless devotion, uncalculating sacrifice, magnificent heroism and unrivalled endurance of the Southern people. But I must pass on to what a distinguished Northern writer has to say of the people of the South, and their cause, twenty-one years after the close of the war. The writer is Benjamin J. Williams, Esq., of Lowell, Massachusetts, and the occasion which brought forth his paper (addressed to the Lowell Sun) was the demonstration to President Davis when he went to assist in the dedication of a Confederate monument at Montgomery, Ala. He says of Mr. Davis: Everywhere he receives from the people the most overwhelming manifestation of heartfelt affection, devotion and reverence, exceeding even any of which he was the recipient in the time of his power; such manifestations as no existing ruler in the world ca
Habeas Corpus (search for this): chapter 1.22
a disregard of engagements; a wasteful expenditure almost unprecedented; a widely extended corruption among the classes who have any connection with the government or the war; an enormous debt, so enormous as to point to almost certain repudiation; the headlong adoption of the most lawless measures; the public faith scandalously violated both towards friends and enemies; the liberty of the citizen at the mercy of arbitrary power; the liberty of the press abolished: the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act; illegal imprisonments; midnight arrests; punishments inflicted without trial; the courts of law controlled by satellites of government; elections carried on under military supervision; a ruffianism both of word and action eating deep into the country; contractors and stock jobbers suddenly amassing enormous fortunes out of the public misery, and ostentatiously parading their ill-gotten wealth in the most vulgar display of luxury; the most brutal inhumanity in the conduct of the war
Vercingetorix (search for this): chapter 1.22
ar He asks what men have regarded as sufficient causes of war? He does not enquire whether the flying Mede at Marathon, or the Greek with his pursuing spear, are types of their nations: he rather seeks to know how the apparently unimportant action of an insignificant city, provoked the great Persian invasion. His question is, not whether Athens or Sparta bred the better soldier, but he searches the records to find out the causes of the Peloponnesian war. He does not consider whether Vercingetorix, standing a captive in the presence of Caesar, was, after all, the nobler leader; nor whether Attila at Chalons was a greater general than Aetius, nor why the sword of Brennus turned the scale on that fateful day at Rome. He is more concerned to know why the Roman legions marched so far, and why the world threw off the imperial yoke. The causes of wars test yet more deeply than conduct in the field, the characters of peoples, indicate yet more surely what hopes of peace or fears of war
Stanton (search for this): chapter 1.22
consider these facts, I think the result was truly remarkable, and something for the Northern people to think of now, when many of them so flippantly taunt the Southern people with having been rebels and traitors. Let them ask themselves, did not the South have a just cause, and did not nearly one-half the Northern people so pronounce at the time? As a sample of the interference by the military authorities in that election, General B. F. Butler tells us in his book how he was sent by Mr. Stanton to New York with a military force to control that city and State for Mr. Lincoln. He says he stationed his troops conveniently near to every voting place in New York city, and that he took care that the Southerners should understand that means would be taken for their identification, and that whoever of them should vote would be dealt with in such a manner as to make them uncomfortable; and the result was, he says, that substantially no Southerners voted at the polls on election day.
Joseph White (search for this): chapter 1.22
aign was conducted cannot be better illustrated than by incorporating here a notice of a political meeting to be held during that canvass. This notice recently appeared in a number of The Grand Army Record, and is as follows: Democrats once more to the breach! Grand Rally at Bushnell, Friday, November 4th, 1864. Hon. L. W. Ross, Major S. P. Cummings, T. E. Morgan, Joseph C. Thompson will address the people on the above occasion, and disclose to them the whole truth of the matter. White men of McDonough, Who prize the Constitution of our Fathers; who love the Union formed by their wisdom and compromise; Brave men who hate the Rebellion of Abraham Lincoln, and are determined to destroy it; Noble women who do not want their husbands and sons dragged to the Valley of Death by a remorseless tyrant, Rally out to this meeting in your strength and numbers. Central Committee. Mr. Greeley, in his American Conflict, says: It is highly probable that had a popula
Horace Greeley (search for this): chapter 1.22
d lay down their arms, they would be received back into the Union. The South could not honorably lay down her arms, for she was fighting for her honor. Mr. Horace Greeley says that Governor Seymour, on assuming the chair, made an address showing the bitterest opposition to the war; but his polished sentences seemed tame and mheir husbands and sons dragged to the Valley of Death by a remorseless tyrant, Rally out to this meeting in your strength and numbers. Central Committee. Mr. Greeley, in his American Conflict, says: It is highly probable that had a popular election been held at any time during the year following the 4th of July, 1862, more comfortable quarters, neither of these could be accomplished until May 13th, 1867, when he was admitted to bail, after a cruel imprisonment of two years, Horace Greeley, Gerritt Smith and other distinguished Northerners then becoming his sureties. On the 26th March, 1868, another indictment for treason was found against hi
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