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al law into that of this Republican law, Mr. O'Conor announced that the defense was ready and desired a trial. To this Mr. Evarts replied that the case could not be heard at that term; to which, of course, the judge assented. Motion for bail was thndicted him as a traitor, he became their martyred hero, and history will so record him. At the November term, 1867, Mr. Evarts, the Attorney-General, was present, representing the prosecution before Judge Underwood. Mr. Davis, through his counsely fields of Gettysburg, the Wilderness, Chancellorsville and Spotsylvania. Great publicists like Chase and O'Conor and Evarts knew that the law and the custom of nations did not look upon such deeds as those of a traitor, and that the world stood , Jr., of Boston, and H. H. Wells, who had been the military appointee as Governor of Virginia. The Attorney-General, Mr. Evarts, was not present, it being stated that official duties rendered it impossible for him to be present. A demand was ma
John Letcher (search for this): chapter 1.7
March, 1868, a new indictment was found against the prisoner, charging him in many counts with many acts of treason, conspicuous amongst which was conspiring with Robert E. Lee, J. P. Benjamin, John C. Breckinridge, William Mahone, H. A. Wise, John Letcher, William Smith, Jubal A. Early, James Longstreet, William H. Payne, D. H. Hill, A. P. Hill, G. T. Beauregard, W. H. C. Whiting, Ed. Sparrow, Samuel Cooper, Joseph E. Johnston, J. B. Gordon, C. F. Jackson, F. O. Moore, and with other persons whly, unlawfully, maliciously and wickedly. The various historic acts styled crimes, in this lengthy document, were proved before the grand jury by the following witnesses summoned for the purpose: R. E. Lee, James A. Seddon, C. .B. Duffield, John Letcher, G. Wythe Munford, John B. Baldwin, Charles E. Wortham, and Thomas S. Hayward. On the finding of this indictment the trial was continued until the 2d day of May, 1868, then to the 3d day of June, and then again until the fourth Monday in No
William Mahone (search for this): chapter 1.7
ner, charging him in many counts with many acts of treason, conspicuous amongst which was conspiring with Robert E. Lee, J. P. Benjamin, John C. Breckinridge, William Mahone, H. A. Wise, John Letcher, William Smith, Jubal A. Early, James Longstreet, William H. Payne, D. H. Hill, A. P. Hill, G. T. Beauregard, W. H. C. Whiting, Ed. ry unknown, to make war against the United States; fighting the battle of Manassas, appointing one Girardi, then acting as captain, to command a brigade, and one Mahone to be a major-general; fighting a battle near Petersburg in company with R. E. Lee and others, and another at Five Forks, all of which things were done traitorousment for Treason. Thomas P. Turner, William Smith, Wade Hampton, Benjamin Huger, Henry A. Wise, Samuel Cooper, G. W. C. Lee, W. H. F. Lee, Charles Mallory, William Mahone, O. F. Baxter, Robert E. Lee, James Longstreet, William E. Taylor, Fitzhugh Lee, George W. Alexander, Robert H. Booker, John DeBree, M. D. Corse, Eppa Hunton,
William Preston Johnston (search for this): chapter 1.7
captured Mr. Davis with his family, his wife's sister and brother, Mr. Reagan, his Postmaster-General, Mr. Burton N. Harrison, his private secretary, Colonel William Preston Johnston, and Colonel Lubbock, of his staff, and Lieutenant Hathaway; together with five wagons and three ambulances. Colonel Pritchard merely announced the Clyde reached Fortress Monroe, having aboard Mr. Davis and family, Mr. Stephens, Mr. Reagan, Mr. and Mrs. C. C. Clay, Major-General Joseph Wheeler and staff, Colonels Johnston and Lubbock, and Mr. Burton N. Harrison, besides one or two subaltern officers. The safeguards were at once augmented by placing a gunboat on each side of the Clyde. Stephens and Reagan were sent to Fort Warren; Wheeler and staff, Johnston and Lubbock, to Fort Delaware, and Harrison to Washington, while the women and children were sent back South. Fearing that Halleck might not be harsh enough or Miles sharp enough for the occasion, Mr. Stanton sent the Assistant Secretary of War
J. E. B. Stuart (search for this): chapter 1.7
t great armies and great captains in the field, and for four years, against desperate odds, and dependent solely on its own resources, had accomplished mighty deeds, won brilliant victories, and challenged the admiration of the civilized world by its sturdy fortitude and by the heroic defense of what it regarded right. The very indictment against Jefferson Davis was the catalogue of the great acts of a sovereign—a sovereign who conspired with Lee, and Jackson, and with the Johnstons, with Stuart and Forrest and Kirby Smith, and Taylor and many another, to fight such battles as the two at Manassas, the seven at Richmond, the two at Fredericksburg, and the bloody fields of Gettysburg, the Wilderness, Chancellorsville and Spotsylvania. Great publicists like Chase and O'Conor and Evarts knew that the law and the custom of nations did not look upon such deeds as those of a traitor, and that the world stood agast at the effort to thus debase the principles of international justice; but
John M. Gill (search for this): chapter 1.7
nally Congress took up the matter and investigations were ordered. The Judiciary Committee of the lower house was direcied to examine into the charges as to the complicity of Davis and others in the murder of Mr. Lincoln, and, fortunately for the cause of truth, Colonel L. C. Turner, of the Bureau of Military Justice, was detailed to aid them. The witnesses to be examined were the same whose depositions Holt had secured—Sanford Conover, John H. Patten, Joseph Snevel, Farnum B. Wright, John M. Gill, Miss Mary Knapp, Mrs. Sarah Douglass, and William Campbell. Turner, with great industry and skill, first went to work to search into the character of those upon whom he was to rely to establish so heinous a crime. His report of his work is very interesting. (Id., 921.) He finally proved, and many of the so-called witnesses confessed, the whole matter to be a conspiracy for the purpose of deceiving General Holt and obtaining money from the government. The investigation proved, and the r
Gerrit Smith (search for this): chapter 1.7
uesting counsel to interpose a defence should anything of the kind be attempted. (See Chase's Reports, pages 12, 14, 17.) It must not be forgotten that before Mr. Davis was brought to trial Messrs. Horace Greeley, Cornelius Vanderbilt, and Gerrit Smith offered themselves as bondsmen on any bail bond which might be required of him, and were among the obligors when it was finally taken, nearly two years after the tender was made. An indictment against Davis was found in the Circuit Court ofg the government of the United States and the beneficence of its administration. The bail bond, in the usual form of such bonds, was then given, Mr. Greeley signing first. The sureties were Horace Greeley, Augustus Schell, Horace F. Clark, Gerrit Smith, and Cornelius Vanderbilt, of New York; Aristides Welsh and David K. Jackman, of Philadelphia; R. Barton Haxall, Isaac Davenport, Abraham Warwick, Gustavus A. Myers, W. W. Crump, James Lyons, John A. Meredith, W. H. Lyons, John Minor Botts, Th
the rebel yell was their only applause, their happiest greeting. It was the outburst from brave men who could thus best give expression to their indignation for what was past and their joy for the present. As the carriage approached the hotel all sounds ceased, and a deep and solemn silence fell upon the vast crowd, less demonstrative than the yell, but more tender in its sympathy. As Mr. Davis stood up in the carriage, preparatory to alighting, a stentorian voice shouted: Hats off, Virginians, and five thousand bare-headed men did homage to him who had suffered for them, and with moistened eye and bated breath stood silent and still until their representative entered the hotel. The treatment which the Federal government had imposed upon Mr. Davis had made him a martyr; the applause was an attestation of that fact. Around the court-room were thousands of men who had met danger and suffered loss. Each man felt that Davis had suffered vicariously for him. If Davis was a trait
Benjamin Huger (search for this): chapter 1.7
rtified to the Supreme Court, that it might be there decided. This was the end of this celebrated cause. Later in December, 1868, President Johnson published his general amnesty proclamation, which by common consent was held to cover Mr. Davis' case, and upon the 15th of February, 1869, the following order was entered in the Circuit Court of Richmond: Monday, February 15, 1869. United States Vs. Upon Indictment for Treason. Thomas P. Turner, William Smith, Wade Hampton, Benjamin Huger, Henry A. Wise, Samuel Cooper, G. W. C. Lee, W. H. F. Lee, Charles Mallory, William Mahone, O. F. Baxter, Robert E. Lee, James Longstreet, William E. Taylor, Fitzhugh Lee, George W. Alexander, Robert H. Booker, John DeBree, M. D. Corse, Eppa Hunton, Roger A. Pryor, D. B. Bridgeford, Jubal A. Early, R. S. Ewell, William S. Winder, George Booker, Cornelius Boyle, William H. Payne, R. S. Andrews, C. J. Faulkner, and R. H. Dulaney, W. N. McVeigh, H. B. Taylor, James A. Seddon, W. B. Richards
Thomas G. Pratt (search for this): chapter 1.7
trary, he waived any such plea and demanded a speedy trial; and that as to the heat of the weather, Mr. Davis could stand it in Richmond as well as at Fortress Monroe, and his counsel would all willingly serve him under any circumstances. Judge Underwood stated that the Chief-Justice was to preside at the trial and that he could not be present until the first Tuesday in October, to which day the cause was adjourned. On the 7th of June, 1866, Messrs. Charles O'Conor, of New York; Mr. Thomas G. Pratt, ex-Governor of Maryland, representing Mr. Davis; and Mr. Speed, the Attorney-General, representing the Government, waited on Chief-Justice Chase at his residence to ascertain whether he would entertain a motion to release Mr. Davis on bail. The Chief-Justice, without any formal application for bail, announced that he considered it improper for him to act in this matter so long as the State of Virginia was under military rule, and that he would not act until the writ of habeas corpus
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