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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 3, 15th edition..

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he men-of-war that were just returning. But North Carolina remained as before; its burgesses, obeying the popular judgment, refused to make provision for 1711 to 1712. defending any part of their country, unless they could introduce into the government the persons most obnoxious for the late rebellion; and therefore the assembly was promptly dissolved. There was little 1712. Feb. hope of harmony between the proprietaries and the people of North Carolina. But here, as elsewhere in America, this turbulence, of freedom did not check the increase of population. Notwithstanding the contradictory accounts, the province, from its first permanent settlemenrant from the crown, but from the free choice and election of the people, who ought not, nor justly can, be divested of their property without their consent. In 1712, the same spirit was manifested. Hunter 1712 cannot effectually obey the lords of trade. They instruct him as to what the legislature shall do, and the legislat
August 3rd (search for this): chapter 1
age or 1692 amazement refuse to shed tears; were threats after a quarrel followed by the death of cattle or other harm; did an error occur in repeating the Lord's prayer; were deeds of great physical strength performed,—these all were signs of witchcraft. In some instances, the phenomena of somnambulism would appear to have been exhibited; and the afflicted, out of their fits, knew nothing of what they did or said in them. Hale, 56 Again, on a new session, six are arraigned, and all Aug. 3. are convicted. John Willard had, as an officer, been employed to arrest the suspected witches. Perceiving the hypocrisy, he declined the service. The afflicted immediately denounced him, and he was seized, convicted, and hanged. At the trial of George Burroughs, the bewitched persons pretended to be dumb. Who hinders these witnesses, said Stoughton, from giving their testimonies?— I suppose the devil, answered Burroughs. How comes the devil, retorted the chief judge, so loath to hav
March 14th (search for this): chapter 1
f legitimacy and the old forms of Christianity. To subdue the French dominions—this was the joint object which was to foster a common feeling between England and the American colonies. This passion advanced even to action, but, at that time, was only fruitful of disasters. Meantime, the agents of Massachusetts, appealing to the common enmity towards France, solicited a restoration of its charter. King William was a friend to Calvinists, and, on the first interview with Increase 1689. March 14. Mather, conceded the recall of Sir Edmund Andros. The convention parliament voted that the taking away of the New England charters was a grievance; and the English Presbyterians, with singular affection, declared that the king could not possibly do any thing more grateful to his dissenting subjects in England, than by restoring to New England its former privileges. The dissolution of the convention parliament, followed by one in which an influence friendly to the tories was perceptible,
will head and countenance. Dis- Oldmixon, 1. 486. senters having thus been excluded from the house of commons, the Church of England was easily established 1704 Nov. by law. At the same time, a body of lay commissioners was nominated by the oligarchy from its own number, to supersede the authority of the bishop. Thus the intol4. had forfeited their charter, and advised its recall by a judicial process; the intolerant acts were, by royal June 10. authority, declared null and void. In November of the same year, they were repealed by the colonial assem- Statues II. 281, 282. 282-295 bly; but, while dissenters were tolerated, and could share political pople had been tempted to become accusers by promise of favor. Yet the zeal of Stoughton was unabated, and the arbi trary court adjourned to the first Tuesday in November. Between this and then, wrote Brattle, will be the great assembly, and this matter will be a peculiar subject of agitation. Our hopes, he adds, are here. The r
September (search for this): chapter 1
province, There are none of you but what are big with the privileges of Englishmen and Magna Charta. In the administration of the covetous and passionate 1692. Sept. Fletcher, a man of great mobility and feeble judgment, the people of New York were soon disciplined into more decided resistance. As to territory, the old hope ofe governor of New York. The legislature resisted, and referred the question to the people, who resolved on a petition to the king, by the hands of Fitz John 1693 Sept. Winthrop. To give the command of the militia, it was said, to the governor of another colony, is, in effect, to put our persons, interests, and liberties entirelyconfusion, Cotton Mather got up a case Chap XIX.} of witchcraft in his own parish. Miracles, he avers, were wrought in Boston. Believe his statements, and 1693 Sept. you must believe that his prayers healed diseases. But he was not bloodthirsty; he wished his vanity protected, not his parishioners hanged; and his bewitched neo
ed in strife. Meantime, a house of representatives had been convened, and, amidst distress and confusion, the govern ment constituted by the popular act. In January of 1691, the Beaver arrived in New 1691 York harbor with Ingoldsby, who bore a commission as captain. Leisler offered him quarters in the city: Jan. 30 Possessrrival, employed his illegal court Chap. XIX.} in hanging; the representatives of the people delayed 1692. the first assembling of the legal colonial court till January of the following year. Thus an interval of more than three months from the last executions gave the public mind security and freedom; and, though Phipps still conferred the place of chiefjudge on Stoughton, yet jurors, representing the public mind, acted independently. When the court met at Salem, six women of 1693. Jan. Andover, at once renouncing their confessions, treated the witchcraft but as something so called, the bewildered but as seemingly afflicted. A memorial of Abbot's And
his authority, Markham dissolved the assembly. The legislature of the next year persevered, and, 1696. by its own authority, subject only to the assent of the Oct. proprietary, established a purely democratic government. The governor was but chairman of the council The council, the assembly, each was chosen by the people. TIn April, 1688, the proprietors of East New Jersey Smith, 568, 211. had surrendered their pretended right of government, and the surrender had been accepted. In October of the same year, the council of the proprietaries, not of the people, of West New Jersey, voted to surrender to the secretary-general for the dominion of New Enilling Some Few Remarks, 1702, p. 20. to wait for recompense in another world; and the general court, after prolonging the validity of the old laws, adjourned to October. July 2. But Phipps and his council had not looked to the general court for directions; they turned to the ministers of Boston and Charlestown; and from them
ared the governor, deputy-governor, and assistants, chosen and sworn in 1686, according to charter rights, and the deputies sent Increase Mather's Account p. 18. by the freemen of the towns, to be the government now settled in the colony. The council resisted; and Chap. XIX.} the question was referred to the people. Nearly four fifths of the towns instructed their representatives to 1689. May 22. reassume; but the pertinacity of a majority of the council permitted only a compromise. In June, the June 5. representatives, upon a new choice, assembled in Boston. Again they refuse to act, till the old charter officers shall assume their power as of right. The council accepted the condition, but still as subject to directions from England. Indeed, the time had gone by. Already an address to King William had contained the assurance that they had not entered upon the full exercise of the charter government, and was soon answered by the royal assent to the temporary organi- Hutch.
he feebler Burnet, was not an act of grace, but a contract between the king and the first patentees, who promised to enlarge the king's dominion at their own charges, provided they and their posterity might enjoy certain privileges. Yet Somers resisted the restoration of the charter of Massachusetts, pleading its imperfections. The charter sketched by Chap. XIX.} Sir George Treby was rejected by the privy council for its liberality; and that which was finally conceded Correct Ebeling, i. 1015, by I. Mather's Account p. 9. reserved such powers to the crown, that Cooke, the popular envoy, declined to accept it. Somers and King William were less liberal to Massachusetts than Clar- 1691. Oct. 7. endon and Charles II. The freemen of Massachusetts, under the old charter, had elected their governor annually; he was henceforward appointed by the king during the royal pleasure. The governor had been but first among the magistrates; he was now the representative of English royalty, and
e the Jews under Cyrus, said Wiswall, the agent for Plymouth colony: with a new monarch on the throne of their oppressors, they hope in vain to rebuild their city and their sanctuary. Yet William III. professed friendship for Massachu- 1689. July 4. setts. The hope of colonial conquests over the French was excited; his subjects in New England, said Increase Mather, if they could but enjoy their ancient rights and privileges, would make him the emperor of America. In the family of Hampden,l. The jury withdrew, and could as yet not agree; but, as the prisoner, who was hard of hearing, and full of grief, Chap. XIX.} made no explanation, they no longer refused to find her guilty. Hardly was the verdict rendered, before the 1692. July 4. foreman made a statement of the ground of her condemnation, and she sent her declaration to the court in reply. The governor, who himself was not unmerciful, saw cause to grant a reprieve; but Parris had preached against Rebecca Nurse, and pray
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