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Browsing named entities in a specific section of George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition.. Search the whole document.

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Edmund Burke (search for this): chapter 16
the twenty-sixth of January after a delay of many weeks, he asked the House of Commons to agree with the Resolves and Address of the House of Lords. Parliamentary History, XVI. 485, &c. Ms. Letters and Diary of W. S. Johnson; Cavendish Debates, i. 191 &c. Thomas Pownall to S. Cooper, 30 Jan. 1769. T. Whately to Hutchinson, 11 Feb. 1769. No lawyer, said Dowdeswell, will justify them; none but the House of Lords who think only of their dignity, could have originated them. Suppose, said Edmund Burke, you do call over two or three of these unfortunate men; what will become of the rest? Let me have the heads of the principal leaders, exclaimed the Duke of Alva; these heads proved Hydra's heads. Suppose a man brought over for High Treason; if his witnesses do not appear, he cannot have a fair trial. God and nature oppose you. Grenville spoke against the Address, and scoffed at the whole plan, as no more than Chap. XXXIX.} 1769 Jan. angry words, and the wisdom fools put on. Lord N
Darius Sessions (search for this): chapter 16
a violation of the Constitution as the laying a tax on paper, glass, painters' colors and tea. To effect the removal of the troops from Boston was his unremitting care. In the mean time he sought in the common law the means to curb their insolence; and called upon the magistrates of Boston to govern, restrain, and punish soldiers of all ranks, according to the laws of the land. Vindex, Samuel Adams, in Boston Gazette, 12 Dec. 1768. The Justices of the Peace for Suffolk at their Quarter Sessions, and the Grand Jury, over which the Crown had no control, never failed to find indictments against soldiers and officers, for their frequent transgressions; See the many indictments of officers as well as of soldiers. and if they escaped the penalties of conviction, it was through the favoritism of a higher Court. Every where the British claims of power were denied. Georgia approved the conduct and correspondence of Massachusetts and Virginia. Boston Gazette of 13 Feb. 1769; 734,
George Grenville (search for this): chapter 16
her country, from the incapacity and avarice Temple to Grenville, 7 November, 1768; in Grenville Papers, IV. 396, and comp to Hutchinson, London, 11 Feb. 1769. and communicated to Grenville Compare for example, Whately to Grenville, 3 Dec. 1769Grenville, 3 Dec. 1769. Another Correspondent, the same gentleman, one of whose letters I lately sent you, &c. &c. The gentleman was Hutchinson. T. Biog. Of Thomas Whately. Mr. Whately showed them to Mr. Grenville, who showed them to Lord Temple, and they were seen by he cannot have a fair trial. God and nature oppose you. Grenville spoke against the Address, and scoffed at the whole planmaterials, I. Mauduit to Hutchinson, 10 Feb. 1769. and Grenville himself wrote the constitutional argument. Grenville wGrenville wrote from page 67 to page 86 inclusive. Knox's extra official State Papers, Appendix to Part II. page 15. I am tempted, confto find apologists for absolute Government. Whately to Grenville, 25 March, 1769; in Grenville Papers, IV. 417. While
ciple of a free trade, looked about him on every side for prevailing arguments and motives against hereditary prepossessions. Choiseul to Du Chatelet, 6 Feb. 1769. While the proposals were under consideration, the state of America was again the theme of conversation in the House of Commons; Cavendish Debates, i. 207, &c. W. S. Johnson to Gov. Pitkin, 9 Feb. 1769. where once more on the eighth of February, strenuous efforts were made to prove the illegality and cruelty of fetching Americans across the Atlantic for trial. They may save themselves, said Rose Fuller, by going still further, and bringing the question to the point of arms.—You have no right to tax the Colonies, repeated Beckford; the system has not produced a single shilling to the exchequer; the money is all eaten up by the officers who collect it.—Your measures, cried Phipps after an admirable statement, are more calculated to raise than to quell a rebellion. It is our duty to stand between the victim and th
al. And so has Otis, rejoined the Boston Gazette; and has been compared to the Pyms, the Hampdens, the Shippens of Britain. Bernard has had some very uncommon difficulties to contend with, said royalists in his excuse. And Otis and his compatriots, retorted Samuel Adams, have doubtless had none! no toils, no self-denials, no threatenings, no tempting baits! All the virtue is on one side; virtue was never known to be separated from power or profit. Samuel Adams under the signature of Shippen, in the Boston Gazette of 30 January, 1769; 722, 2, 1, 2 and 3. We should have been ruined by this time, had not the troops arrived, N. Rogers to W. S. Johnson, 12 Jan. 1769. wrote one who was grasping at a lucrative office. Military power, repeated the people, is Chap. XXXIX.} 1769. Jan. the last resource of ignorant despotism. The opposition to government is faction; said the friends to Government. As well, answered Samuel Adams, might the general uneasiness that introduced the re
Israel Mauduit (search for this): chapter 16
er the accused for trial before a Special Commission, away from their country, their relations, friends, and witnesses. It was hoped to make Boston tremble, and terrify the zealous Americans with the apprehension of being arraigned in Westminster Hall and hanged at Tyburn. The press also gave to the world an elaborate reply The Controversy between Great Britain and her Colonies reviewed, &c. &c., 1769. to the Farmer's Letters, for which the Board of Trade furnished the materials, I. Mauduit to Hutchinson, 10 Feb. 1769. and Grenville himself wrote the constitutional argument. Grenville wrote from page 67 to page 86 inclusive. Knox's extra official State Papers, Appendix to Part II. page 15. I am tempted, confessed Knox, the champion of the Ministry, to deny that there is any such thing as Representation at all in the British Constitution; until this notion of Representation is overthrown, it will be very difficult to convince, either the Colonies or the people of England,
Israel Williams (search for this): chapter 16
Colden to his brother, 31 January, 1769. and the ardent Sons of Liberty. In Massachusetts Bernard kept up the ferment. He knew it to be a part of Lord Hillsborough's It is certainly a part of Lord Hillsborough's plan, &c., Hutchinson to Israel Williams, 26 Jan. 1769; and compare Bernard to Hillsborough, 4 Feb. 1769, This opinion is so sanguinely entertained, &c. &c. system that there never should be another election of Councillors, and he Postscript, Supplement to No. 4, Private; Bernar the gentlemen of the law, and as great a number of the printers, had been shipped to some sandy spot on the African shore for at least seven years. J Chew of New London, Conn. While Hutchinson, eager to find proceedings Hutchinson to Israel Williams, 26 Jan. 1769. Chap. XXXIX.} 1769. Jan. amounting to treason, was taking depositions, so that the principal ac ors might be called to account, those whom he sought to arraign as traitors were aware of his designs, publicly Boston gazette
and motives against hereditary prepossessions. Choiseul to Du Chatelet, 6 Feb. 1769. While the proposals were under consideration, the state of America was again the theme of conversation in the House of Commons; Cavendish Debates, i. 207, &c. W. S. Johnson to Gov. Pitkin, 9 Feb. 1769. where once more on the eighth of February, strenuous efforts were made to prove the illegality and cruelty of fetching Americans across the Atlantic for trial. They may save themselves, said Rose Fuller, by going still further, and bringing the question to the point of arms.—You have no right to tax the Colonies, repeated Beckford; the system has not produced a single shilling to the exchequer; the money is all eaten up by the officers who collect it.—Your measures, cried Phipps after an admirable statement, are more calculated to raise than to quell a rebellion. It is our duty to stand between the victim and the altar.—The statute of the thirty-fifth year of Henry the Eighth, observed Fre<
Due Choiseul (search for this): chapter 16
let again pressed America on the attention of Choiseul. Without exaggerating the projects or the unabout within a very few years. Du Chatelet to Choiseul, 9 December, 1768. Your views, replied Chl communicate them to the Court of Madrid. Choiseul to Du Chatelet, 20 December, 1768. The stecticut, 3 Jan. 1769. Compare Du Chatelet to Choiseul, 16 Dec. 1768. Parliament must give up its au to become a formidable enemy. Du Chatelet to Choiseul, London, 28 January, 1769. This letter from Du Chatelet to Choiseul, was Feb. inspired neither by the Courtiers, nor the Parliaments, nor thmotives against hereditary prepossessions. Choiseul to Du Chatelet, 6 Feb. 1769. While the pr. Du Chatelet continued his intercession with Choiseul, to employ Free Trade as the great liberator sts as it would naturally form. D'Ossun to Choiseul, Madrid, 20 Feb. 1769. A copy of this lettern the series marked Espagne, T. 556. Compare Choiseul to Du Chatelet, 14 March, 1769. The opini[6 more...]
Frederic Montagu (search for this): chapter 16
by going still further, and bringing the question to the point of arms.—You have no right to tax the Colonies, repeated Beckford; the system has not produced a single shilling to the exchequer; the money is all eaten up by the officers who collect it.—Your measures, cried Phipps after an admirable statement, are more calculated to raise than to quell a rebellion. It is our duty to stand between the victim and the altar.—The statute of the thirty-fifth year of Henry the Eighth, observed Frederic Montagu, was passed in the worst times of the worst reign, when the taste of blood had inflamed the savage disposition of Henry. The Act, declared Sir William Meredith, does not extend to America; and were I an American I would not submit to it. On the other side little was Chap. XXXIX.} 1769. Feb. urged, except that concession would endanger the Act of Navigation; and the British Parliament after long deliberation, by a great majority, refusing to consider the redress of American grievance<
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