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Mr. Stuart, of Doddridge, desired to say a few words upon the subject. Gentlemen had not yet been talked to as plainly as he proposed to talk. He would avail himself of the opportunity to-morrow morning. The subject was then passed by. Committee of the whole. The Convention went into Committee of the Whole (Mr. Southall in the chair,) for the purpose of considering the report of the Committee on Federal Relations--Mr. Montague, of Middlesex, being entitled to the floor. Mr. Fisher, of Northampton, asked the gentleman from Middlesex to give way for a moment, to enable him to correct the report of his speech in the official organ of the Convention, the Richmond Enquirer. This having been done-- The Chairman requested the Secretary to read the 25th rule, prohibiting persons from walking about while a member was speaking. Mr. Montague resumed his remarks, and proceeded to argue in favor of the right of secession. The doctrine had been sneered at by gentlemen
f the constituents of the Federal Government, has a right to judge for herself as to the mode and measure of redress, and never merged her individuality and sovereignty into the Government at Washington. He quoted from Madison's writings to demonstrate that a breach of the compact on the one side absolves the other, and that the compact might be then broken up. It was the principle of the individuality of the States that broke up the old articles of confederation. It was the doctrine of Mr. Madison that when we, as the people of Virginia, failed in all other efforts for redress of the grievances, we had the right to denounce the Federal Government and resume our powers of sovereignty. He also read the opinions of Randolph, Pendleton, Nicholas, and other founders of Republican liberty in Virginia, to sustain the position which he laid down. If he was to be denounced as a traitor, let it be for proclaiming and upholding the principles laid down by these fathers, whose opinions he ha
laveholding taxpayers East of the Blue Ridge, whose interest it was to have the organic law changed in this respect. He particularly contended for justice to the Western people, who would be called upon to fight the battles, if the State were to become involved in civil war. The present policy he argued, tended to divert capital from Virginia to the North, while her own natural resources remained undeveloped. He hoped the question would be taken, and that the resolutions would pass. Mr. Stuart, of Doddridge, desired to say a few words upon the subject. Gentlemen had not yet been talked to as plainly as he proposed to talk. He would avail himself of the opportunity to-morrow morning. The subject was then passed by. Committee of the whole. The Convention went into Committee of the Whole (Mr. Southall in the chair,) for the purpose of considering the report of the Committee on Federal Relations--Mr. Montague, of Middlesex, being entitled to the floor. Mr. Fisher
George W. Randolph (search for this): article 1
writings to demonstrate that a breach of the compact on the one side absolves the other, and that the compact might be then broken up. It was the principle of the individuality of the States that broke up the old articles of confederation. It was the doctrine of Mr. Madison that when we, as the people of Virginia, failed in all other efforts for redress of the grievances, we had the right to denounce the Federal Government and resume our powers of sovereignty. He also read the opinions of Randolph, Pendleton, Nicholas, and other founders of Republican liberty in Virginia, to sustain the position which he laid down. If he was to be denounced as a traitor, let it be for proclaiming and upholding the principles laid down by these fathers, whose opinions he had read. [Applause in the eastern gallery.] The Chairman.--The Sergeant-at-Arms will clear the gallery. The order was obeyed, the sovereigns there assembled reserving the right to make another demonstration as they retire
the ne of pursuing the argument farther, then proceeded to show the causes which review ought to induce Virginia to with once from the Confederacy. Tracing progress of the abolition movement from ption to the present time, he asked if he was any principle of logic, reason or common sense, to induce the belief that a people who had pursued one object through a pe of 75 years, would relinquish it at the time when the object was accomplished? believed that every man at the North, ex-Charles O'Connor, entertained the opinion slavery was a sin. It was taught in their in their schools, in their pulpits. The ce of Virginia, as a free people, he depended upon a separation from those re hostile to their interests, and would continue persistently to war against them.--He closed with an urgent and forcible appeal to gentlemen on the other side to come over and aid in placing Virginia in a position of safety. Every consideration required that she should secede at once, and settle her diffic
r to declare Virginia out of the Union the decision to be referred, as stipulation to the people. If this were to be deemed , he was perfectly willing to rest un- charge, with such men as he had quoted to sustain his position. Proceeding to consider the report of the Committee, he said conceded the right of States to withdraw, the other day they were denying that the were sovereign at the present time.-- admitted it as a "revolutionary right," he wanted to know what that term Mr. Conead, of Frederick, (Chairman of the committee on Federal- Relations,) said that he had expressly objected to the use of the word revolutionary, because it implied a revolt against the Government. He fully agreed with the gentleman in his able argument in or of the right of peaceable secession; and not conceive that any citizen maintaining the right should be regarded as a traitor. In the sense it was revolutionary, because it was extra constitutional right, and he saw no ority in the Constit
all other efforts for redress of the grievances, we had the right to denounce the Federal Government and resume our powers of sovereignty. He also read the opinions of Randolph, Pendleton, Nicholas, and other founders of Republican liberty in Virginia, to sustain the position which he laid down. If he was to be denounced as a traitor, let it be for proclaiming and upholding the principles laid down by these fathers, whose opinions he had read. [Applause in the eastern gallery.] The Chairman.--The Sergeant-at-Arms will clear the gallery. The order was obeyed, the sovereigns there assembled reserving the right to make another demonstration as they retired. Mr. Wise desired to know how long this order would last? The Chairman was not aware of any limit to it. Mr. Wise had asked the question because he wanted to ascertain the effect of it. There were many respectable citizens in the gallery who, he was sure, took no part in the disorder, while he believed that
John Quincy Adams (search for this): article 1
that man could and would be free. He maintained that Virginia was the first to exercise the right of secession. On the 15th of May, 1776, before the Declaration of Independence, Virginia met, without consulting with the Border States, or asking anybody what she should do, and in the plenitude of her sovereignty and in the depth of her patriotism, severed her connection with Great British and exercised the right of secession.--Thus it was Virginia doctrine. It was referred to by John Quincy Adams, and applied as an argument in favor of the right of sovereignty. But a second time she exercised her sovereign right, by inaugurating the movement by which, in 1787, the Federal Constitution was amended, and the Articles of Confederation revised so as to render them adequate to the exigencies of the States and to the Government of the Union. And yet we hear gentlemen denouncing the Convention at Montgomery for pursuing a similar course. Mr. Carlile asked if he understood the ge
order was obeyed, the sovereigns there assembled reserving the right to make another demonstration as they retired. Mr. Wise desired to know how long this order would last? The Chairman was not aware of any limit to it. Mr. Wise had asMr. Wise had asked the question because he wanted to ascertain the effect of it. There were many respectable citizens in the gallery who, he was sure, took no part in the disorder, while he believed that some on this floor and participate in it. He thought it hard ish individuals who were engaged in it. He supposed the gallery could be again thrown open after a reasonable time. Mr. Wise asked if they could return immediately? He would like to know how long a reasonable time was? The colloquy here tend his remarks for a moment, while the Sergeant-at-Arms again cleared the gallery and the lobby. Mr. Macfarland and Mr. Wise appealed to the Chair to withdraw the order, which the Chair consented to do, alluding to the pain which it gave him to
Pendleton (search for this): article 1
demonstrate that a breach of the compact on the one side absolves the other, and that the compact might be then broken up. It was the principle of the individuality of the States that broke up the old articles of confederation. It was the doctrine of Mr. Madison that when we, as the people of Virginia, failed in all other efforts for redress of the grievances, we had the right to denounce the Federal Government and resume our powers of sovereignty. He also read the opinions of Randolph, Pendleton, Nicholas, and other founders of Republican liberty in Virginia, to sustain the position which he laid down. If he was to be denounced as a traitor, let it be for proclaiming and upholding the principles laid down by these fathers, whose opinions he had read. [Applause in the eastern gallery.] The Chairman.--The Sergeant-at-Arms will clear the gallery. The order was obeyed, the sovereigns there assembled reserving the right to make another demonstration as they retired. Mr
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