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Frank Blair (search for this): chapter 13
t? There is no suitable place to oppose it. There is no plan in the country to oppose this evil overspreading the continent, which you say yourself is coming. Frank Blair and Gratz Brown tried to get up a system of gradual emancipation in Missouri, had an election in August and got beat, and you, Mr. Democrat, threw up your hat, outhern institutions, and its only hope of success is by that appeal. Mr. Lincoln goes on to justify himself in making a war upon slavery, upon the ground that Frank Blair and Gratz Brown did not succeed in their warfare upon the institutions in Missouri. Frank Blair was elected to Congress in 1856, from the State of Missouri, asFrank Blair was elected to Congress in 1856, from the State of Missouri, as a Buchanan Democrat, and he turned Freemonter after the people elected him, thus belonging to one party before his election, and another afterward. What right then had he to expect, after having thus cheated his constituency, that they would support him at another election? Mr. Lincoln thinks that it is his duty to preach a crus
Fred Douglass (search for this): chapter 13
ooting with the white man ; that if one man said the Declaration of Independence did not mean a negro when it declared all men created equal, that another man would say that it did not mean another man ; and hence we ought to discard all difference between the negro race and all other races, and declare them all created equal. Did old Giddings, when he came down among you four years ago, preach more radical Abolitionism than this? Did Lovejoy, or Lloyd Garrison, or Wendell Phillips, or Fred Douglass, ever take higher Abolition grounds than that? Lincoln told you that I had charged him with getting up these personal attacks to conceal the enormity of his principles, and then commenced talking about something else, omitting to quote this part of his Chicago speech which contained the enormity of his principles to which I alluded. He knew that I alluded to his negro-equality doctrines when I spoke of the enormity of his principles, yet he did not find it convenient to answer on that
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 13
He said he would never have believed that Abraham Lincoln, as he kindly called me, would have attemny man who attempts to make such charges as Mr. Lincoln has indulged in against them, only proclaimhands of the Abolition political friends of Mr. Lincoln. Notwithstanding I thus proved by the recoee years afterward. Yet, I never could get Mr. Lincoln to take back his false charge, although I h territory in America. I ask you [turning to Lincoln], will you vote to admit Kansas into the Unio, on the authority of these two speeches of Mr. Lincoln, that he holds one set of principles in theg within our Constitutional power or action. Lincoln will not discuss these. What one question ha and I intend to obey them as such. But Mr. Lincoln says that I will not answer his question as not, as it chooses, and it does not become Mr. Lincoln, or anybody else, to tell the people of Kenkindness with which you have treated me. Mr. Lincoln's Rejoinder. My Friends : Since Judge Do[43 more...]
not investigate it, if he did not ; and if he did, why he wont tell the result. I call upon him for that. This is the third time that Judge Douglas has assumed that he learned about these resolutions by Harris's attempting to use them against Norton on the floor of Congress. I tell Judge Douglas the public records of the country show that he himself attempted it upon Trumbull a month before Harris tried them on Norton — that Harris had the opportunity of learning it from him, rather than heNorton — that Harris had the opportunity of learning it from him, rather than he from Harris. I now ask his attention to that part of the record on the case. My friends, I am not disposed to detain you longer in regard to that matter. I am told that I still have five minutes left. There is another matter I wish to call attention to. He says, when he discovered there was a mistake in that case, he came forward magnanimously, without my calling his attention to it, and explained it. I will tell you how he became so magnanimous. When the newspapers of our side had disc
Jake Davis (search for this): chapter 13
he will not do much for me, but I am glad of all the support I can get any where, if I can get it without practicing any deception to obtain it. In respect to this large portion of Judge Douglas's speech, in which he tries to show that in the controversy between himself and the Administration party, he is in the right, I do not feel myself at all competent or inclined to answer him. I say to him, Give it to them-give it to them just all you can and, on the other hand, I say to Carlin, and Jake Davis, and to this man Wogley up here in Hancock, Give it to Douglas-just pour it into him. Now, in regard to this matter of the Dred Scott decision, I wish to say a word or two. After all, the Judge will not say whether, if a decision is made, holding that the people of the States cannot exclude slavery, he will support it or not. He obstinately refuses to say what he will do in that case. The Judges of the Supreme Court as obstinately refused to say what they would do on this subject. Be
Wendell Phillips (search for this): chapter 13
stood on an equal footing with the white man ; that if one man said the Declaration of Independence did not mean a negro when it declared all men created equal, that another man would say that it did not mean another man ; and hence we ought to discard all difference between the negro race and all other races, and declare them all created equal. Did old Giddings, when he came down among you four years ago, preach more radical Abolitionism than this? Did Lovejoy, or Lloyd Garrison, or Wendell Phillips, or Fred Douglass, ever take higher Abolition grounds than that? Lincoln told you that I had charged him with getting up these personal attacks to conceal the enormity of his principles, and then commenced talking about something else, omitting to quote this part of his Chicago speech which contained the enormity of his principles to which I alluded. He knew that I alluded to his negro-equality doctrines when I spoke of the enormity of his principles, yet he did not find it convenien
W. H. Carlin (search for this): chapter 13
is news to me — not very ungrateful news either. returning to Mr. W. H. Carlin, who was on the stand]--I hope that Carlin will be elected to Carlin will be elected to the State Senate and will vote for me. [Mr. Carlin shook his head.) Carlin dont fall in, I perceive, and I suppose he will not do much for me,Mr. Carlin shook his head.) Carlin dont fall in, I perceive, and I suppose he will not do much for me, but I am glad of all the support I can get any where, if I can get it without practicing any deception to obtain it. In respect to this largeCarlin dont fall in, I perceive, and I suppose he will not do much for me, but I am glad of all the support I can get any where, if I can get it without practicing any deception to obtain it. In respect to this large portion of Judge Douglas's speech, in which he tries to show that in the controversy between himself and the Administration party, he is in tm-give it to them just all you can and, on the other hand, I say to Carlin, and Jake Davis, and to this man Wogley up here in Hancock, Give it to reverse the decision of our Supreme Court, when it decided that Carlin's father — old Governor Carlin --had not the Constitutional power tGovernor Carlin --had not the Constitutional power to remove a Secretary of State? Did he not appeal to the Mobs, as he calls them? Did he not make speeches in the lobby to show how villainou
kes the ground that while the owner of a slave has a right to go into a Territory, and carry his slaves with him, that he cannot hold them one day or hour unless there is a slave code to protect him. He tells you that slavery would not exist a day in South Carolina, or any other State, unless there was a friendly people and friendly legislation. Read the speeches of that giant in intellect, Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, and you will find them to the same effect. Read the speeches of Sam Smith, of Tennessee, and of all Southern men, and you will find that they all understood this doctrine then as we understand it now. Mr. Lincoln cannot be made to understand it, however. Down at Jonesboro, he went on to argue that if it be the law that a man has a right to take his slaves into territory of the United States under the Constitution, that then a member of Congress was perjured if he did not vote for a slave code. I ask him whether the decision of the Supreme Court is not binding
on District of this State par excellence--in the Lovejoy District — in the personal presence of Lovejoy, for he was on the stand with us when I made it. It had been made and put in print in that regiared that the States might come into the Union with slavery, or without, as they pleased, while Lovejoy and his Abolition allies up North, explained to the Abolitionists, that in taking this ground hs, when he came down among you four years ago, preach more radical Abolitionism than this? Did Lovejoy, or Lloyd Garrison, or Wendell Phillips, or Fred Douglass, ever take higher Abolition grounds th up north-had made it, at Ottawa-made it in his hearing-made it in the Abolition District — in Lovejoy's District — in the personal presence of Lovejoy himself — in the same atmosphere exactly in whLovejoy himself — in the same atmosphere exactly in which I had made my Chicago speech, of which he complains so much. Now, in relation to my not having said any thing about the quotation from the Chicago speech: He thinks that is a terrible subj
Stephen A. Douglas (search for this): chapter 13
otice how very nearly they are the same as Judge Douglas says were delivered by we, down in Egypt. proposition already decided by the court. Judge Douglas had the privilege of replying to me at Gal I went through with each and every piece, Judge Douglas did not dare then to say that any piece ofe before which it was conducted. But when Judge Douglas got home from Washington and made his firsome to an end of this slavery agitation. Mr. Douglas's reply. Ladies and Gentlemen: Permit me It says : We propose to show that Judge Douglas's action in 1850 and 1854 was taken with e : So much for the course taken by Judge Douglas on the Compromises of 1850. The record shthat, in framing the Nebraska-Kansas bill, Judge Douglas framed it in the terms and upon the model Lincoln's Rejoinder. My Friends : Since Judge Douglas has said to you in his conclusion that he tainly knew all about it. I pointed out to Judge Douglas that in his Freeport speech be had promise[55 more...]
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