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William B. Giles (search for this): chapter 5
ties, rights and liberties appertaining to them. Kentucky indorsed this doctrine through the pen of Thomas Jefferson: The several States, so the passage reads, who formed the instrument being sovereign and independent, have the unquestionable right to judge of the infraction, and a nullification, by those sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts done under color of that instrument is the rightful remedy. As late as 1825, Mr. Jefferson adhered to this doctrine. See his letter to William B. Giles, dated December, 1825. The Southern Quarterly Review, the chief organ of the slave power, has repeatedly promulgated and defended this doctrine. It is from that periodical — June No. for 1845--that these extracts are selected. Of course it was not the fugitive slave law that called forth these opinions; but as what is sauce for the tariff must equally be sauce for freedom, it cannot complain of my use of its argument. Freemen of the North! unfurl the Southern flag of Nullificat
James McDowell (search for this): chapter 5
avery a curse? Marshall, Barry, Randolph, Faulkner, and Chandler answer in the affirmative; and thus replies Mr. James McDowell, junior, the delegate from Rockbridge: Slavery a Leprosy. Sir, if our ancestors had exerted the firmness, which, the unanimous opinion of the numerous delegates who spoke on this occasion, as well as of those who were silent. Says Mr. McDowell: In this investigation there is no difficulty — nothing has been left to speculation or inquiry; for however widelreside every time that he hears the report of a solitary rifle in the woods. ) A beautiful domestic institution. Mr McDowell proceeds to unfold the exceeding beauty of slavery as a domestic institution: It is quaintly remarked by Lord Ba the numerical ascendency of the slave shall inspire him with confidence in his force. Slavery a national evil. Mr. McDowell regards slavery as a national as well as a State and domestic calamity. With this passage from his speech, I will clo
accuse me of unfriendliness to the slaveholders. See how willing I have been to put their honorable and patriotic sentiments on record! V. North Carolina. Weldon, North Carolina, is a hamlet, or town, or city --I do n't know what they call it-consisting of a railroad depot, a hotel, a printing-office, one or two stores, and several houses. Whether it has increased in population or remained stationary since my visit to it-September 26, 1854-I have now no means of ascertaining. Mr. Helper, author of that valuable anti-slavery volume-The impending Crisis of the South --informs me that it is now a town of 700 inhabitants. Talk with a young slave. In returning from a walk in the woods, by which Weldon is surrounded, I came up to a young negro man who was lying on the ground in the shade of a tree, holding a yearling ox by a rope. Is that all you have got to do? I asked. No, mass'r, said he; I's waitina for a waggon to come 'long. I entered into a conversatio
es, under a penalty, within a reasonable time, to remove the future increase out of the country. His speech is devoted to the discussion of this proposition, and in it he takes the most ultra positions. The Virginia slaveholder out-Garrisons Garrison. He even introduces the golden rule as an argument! In the opening paragraph, he says: It will be recollected, sir, that when the memorial from Charles City, was presented by the gentleman from Hanover, and when its reference was opposed, mere name, but personality. That I desire to avoid. Alabama, as the reader most probably is aware, is preeminently the Assassin State; for it has still on the pages of its statute book a law authorizing the payment of $5,000 for the head of Mr. Garrison, dead or alive. The results of my journey are thus recorded in a letter from Montgomery: Contentment of slaves in Alabama. I have spoken with hundreds of slaves in Alabama, but never yet met one contented with his position under the p
Thomas Marshall (search for this): chapter 5
lying at once, if he knew how to go. Iii. Historical. Is slavery a curse? a rare little Virginia book Thos. Marshall on slavery the black Wave John A. Chandler on slavery a radical Notion Henry Berry on slavery a cancer on the boon was the order of the day, even in the stony-hearted Old Dominion. Is slavery a curse? Listen to the answer of Thomas Marshall, of Fauquier, then, as yet, one of the distinguished politicians of Virginia: Thomas Marshall's opinion. SlThomas Marshall's opinion. Slavery is ruinous to the whites; it retards improvement; roots out our industrious population; banishes the yeomanry of the country; deprives the spinner, the weaver, the smith, the shoemaker, the carpenter of employment and support. The evil admitstestimony? Thomas J. Randolph spoke next, and in the same strain as the preceding speakers. Is slavery a curse? Marshall, Barry, Randolph, Faulkner, and Chandler answer in the affirmative; and thus replies Mr. James McDowell, junior, the del
Virginians (search for this): chapter 5
ese men are the most favored sons of Africa employed in the country, in the States of Alabama or Georgia. They are hard worked from sun to sun, and from Christmas to Christmas, but they are well fed and clothed, and comfortably lodged — comfortably, that is, for negro slaves. Their allowance. They receive five pounds of pork, a pint of molasses, and one peck of meal each per week; three suits of clothes, a blanket and a hat a year. But they have no wives. They are chiefly by birth Virginians, and were nearly all bought in the Old Dominion eleven years ago. The majority that I spoke with were married men and fathers at the time of the purchase; but, as the railroad company had no need of female servants, their Domestic institutions were broken up, and — wifeless and childless — the poor fellows (as they are called), were transported south, and condemned for life to Alabama celibacy and adultery. Of course, He who, amid the lightnings of Mount Sinai, uttered the command, Thou s<
— Nullification! Is slavery a local institution. It does not suit the South now to admit that slavery is a local institution. It is national, and a blessing now, and claims, the protection of national institutions. It may be well, therefore, to remind the South of her old opinions. Read what Governor Wilson said in his message to the South Carolina legislature — opinions which were enthusiastically indorsed by the politicians and the press of the State. It was during the days of Judge Hoare's mission: There should be a spirit of concert and of action among the slaveholding States, and a determined resistance to any violation of their local institutions. The crisis seems to have arrived when we are called upon to protect ourselves. The President of the United States, and his law adviser, so far from resisting the efforts of foreign ministry, appear to be disposed, by an argument drawn from the overwhelming powers of the General Government, to make us the passive instrum
o the North. Dozens, he said, were ready to fly. We came up to a colored man who was chopping in the woods. Now there, said the wagoner, is a man who would not tell what you said to him, and would like very much the chance of being free. We had previously met a boy driving oxen that were drawing logs to town. This man was chopping the trees for him. They both belonged to the same master, who is described by his slaves, as well as by other colored people, as a type of the tribe of Legree. We met, also, two wagons laden with cotton. These, said the wagoner, these come from right away up the country, and very likely these boys — the drivers — have travelled all night. I bade the wagoner farewell, and went up to the axeman. The axeman. He was a powerful, resolute-looking negro. A cast in one of his eyes gave him an almost savagely dogged appearance. Good day, friend. Good day, mass'r. You are a slave? Yes, sah. Who do you belong to? Mr. D----.
Charles James Faulkner (search for this): chapter 5
very a cancer on the body politic danger ahead a damning confession Charles Jas. Faulkner's opinion save the West an eloquent protest against slavery extensionch a catastrophe as even possible, and be indifferent and inactive? Charles James Faulkner's opinion. If slavery can be eradicated, said Charles James FaulknerCharles James Faulkner, in God's name let us get rid of it. Again: An era of commercial intercourse is thus fondly anticipated, in the fancy of these gentlemen, between the east amperious lex non scripta of the Southern States. Iv. Historical. Faulkner again slavery and freedom compared a strong passage Thomas J. Randolph on sr's files? If you do so, let us quote, once more, from the speech of Charles James Faulkner, of Virginia: Sir, I am gratified to perceive that no gentleman s the preceding speakers. Is slavery a curse? Marshall, Barry, Randolph, Faulkner, and Chandler answer in the affirmative; and thus replies Mr. James McDowell,
ever know a colored person who said he preferred slavery? Oh, yes, mass'r, said the slave, I's knowed plenty dat would say so to white folks; kase if the boss knowed we wanted to be freemen, he would kick and knock us ‘bout, and maybe kill us. Dey of'en does kill dem on de plantations. Murder will out. Did you ever see a slave killed on a plantation? He replied that he did once see a girl killed on a plantation in Georgia. He said that he heard his boss, a person of the name of Rees, tell his overseer to take some slaves down to Brother Holmes in (I think) Gainsborough county — or from Gainsborough to Hancock county--for I have forgotten which of them the old man named first--and, said the brute, with what niggers I have got there and these, I think I can raise a crop. If you kill two niggers and four horses and don't raise a crop, I'll not blame you; but if you don't, and still don't raise a crop, I'll think you have n't drove them at all. The monster added--You needn
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