hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
New England (United States) 416 0 Browse Search
United States (United States) 294 0 Browse Search
James Cooper 208 0 Browse Search
Washington Irving 194 0 Browse Search
I. Bryant 172 0 Browse Search
Benjamin Franklin 143 1 Browse Search
Jonathan Edwards 138 0 Browse Search
Europe 130 0 Browse Search
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) 108 0 Browse Search
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) 78 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.). Search the whole document.

Found 620 total hits in 177 results.

... 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 ...
Samuel Seabury (search for this): chapter 1.9
the Continental Congress was adopted (October, 1774), there was published in New York the first of four pamphlets by a Westchester Farmer. The author was the Rev. Samuel Seabury, then and for some time rector of St. Peter's Church, Westchester, and later, by time's curious working, first bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church i. For writing the pamphlets Seabury was mobbed, imprisoned, and hounded until in 1776 he took refuge within the British lines. It was in reply to the first of Seabury's pamphlets that Alexander Hamilton, then a college student of seventeen, made anonymously his first essay in authorship with A Full Vindication of the Measures oyalist newspaper, over the pen-name of Massachusettensis, of a series of seventeen letters, To the inhabitants of the province of the Massachusetts-Bay (1774-75). Seabury had emphasized the impracticability and political unwisdom of the recommendations of the Congress. Leonard assailed the unconstitutional arguments of the patriot
Virginia, and an eloquent address to the people of Great Britain, the work of John Jay of New York, later the first chief-justice of the United States Supreme Court.erican statesmen, particularly Washington, Franklin, John Adams, Samuel Adams, John Jay, and Patrick Henry, published long afterwards in collected editions, existed f larger field of government, a constructive statesman. But Washington, Madison, Jay, Hamilton, Patrick Henry, and other leaders were busy with their pens, discussinAn examination into the leading principles of the Federal Constitution; as did John Jay, in An address to the people of the state of New York; Pelatiah Webster of Phictively as The federalist. The essays, the joint work of Hamilton, Madison, and Jay, appeared in the New York Independent journal during the seven months beginning s been an interesting problem of historical criticism, but four were the work of Jay, fourteen were certainly written by Madison, three are probably to be ascribed t
he Continent of America considered, in a letter from a Gentleman in Philadelphia to his friend in London, Writings, ed. Ford, I, 211-245. which was reprinted in London and attracted favourable notice. A notable pamphlet, published anonymously, byant is John Dickinson's Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania to the inhabitants of the British colonies. Writings, ed. Ford, 1, 307-406. First published in a Philadelphia newspaper in 1767-68, See also Book I, Chap. VII. and reproduced from tby Robert Yates, in two letters of Sydney; and in seven letters by Luther Martin. All the foregoing are reprinted in P. L. Ford, Essays on the Constitution. The pamphlet literature was equally important. Noah Webster, best known to later genen, to the latter of whom James Iredell of North Carolina made an elaborate rejoinder. The foregoing are collected in P. L. Ford, Pamphlets on the Constitution. Incomparably superior, whether in content, or in form, or in permanent influence, t
Westchester Farmer (search for this): chapter 1.9
ot less ably put or trenchantly phrased than those of the patriots themselves. Soon after the Association agreement of the Continental Congress was adopted (October, 1774), there was published in New York the first of four pamphlets by a Westchester Farmer. The author was the Rev. Samuel Seabury, then and for some time rector of St. Peter's Church, Westchester, and later, by time's curious working, first bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States. The four pamphlets, ent comported with a denial of the legislative power of Parliament. The only outcome for the colonies was independence, and independence was the word which, as yet, most colonial leaders appeared anxious to avoid. Before the attacks of the Westchester Farmer had ceased, Daniel Leonard, a Boston lawyer of social prominence, began the publication in a loyalist newspaper, over the pen-name of Massachusettensis, of a series of seventeen letters, To the inhabitants of the province of the Massachuset
Jonathan Boucher (search for this): chapter 1.9
nable Americans (1775)-the only contribution of Lee's to the patriot cause for which he may be appreciatively remembered. Although not published until 1797, by which time the author had been for more than twenty years resident in England, Jonathan Boucher's A View of the Causes and Consequences of the American Revolution may perhaps be included in our enumeration of loyalist writings. From 1762 to 1775 Boucher was rector of parishes in Maryland and Virginia, finding time, however, to take aBoucher was rector of parishes in Maryland and Virginia, finding time, however, to take an active part in colonial politics. The volume referred to, dedicated to Washington and prefaced by an extended introduction, consists of thirteen sermons preached to his American congregations, and forms as a whole the best presentation of the loyalist cause as embraced and championed by an Anglican minister. For his boldness, however, his parishioners drove him into exile, in common with many another clergyman who held similar views. Mention should also be made here of the poems of Phili
David Ramsay (search for this): chapter 1.9
ater generations as a lexicographer, came to the support of the new instrument in An examination into the leading principles of the Federal Constitution; as did John Jay, in An address to the people of the state of New York; Pelatiah Webster of Philadelphia, in The weakness of Brutus exposed, a reply to the first of a series of sixteen essays ascribed to Thomas Treadwell of New York; Tench Coxe, in An examination of the Constitution, written over the pseudonym of An American Citizen ; and David Ramsay, in An address to the Freemen of South Carolina. The opposition was represented by Elbridge Gerry's Observations on the New Constitution; Melanchthon Smith's Address to the people of the state of New York, and preeminently by Richard Henry Lee, in his Observations leading to a fair examination of the system of government proposed by the late Convention, and by George Mason of Virginia, in his Objections to the proposed Federal Constitution, to the latter of whom James Iredell of North Ca
Oxenbridge Thacher (search for this): chapter 1.9
e treason. The same line of argument, more systematically and cogently put, characterized Oxenbridge Thacher's Sentiments of a British American (1764). Thacher was a fellow townsman of Otis, and the Thacher was a fellow townsman of Otis, and the two had been associated in the case of the writs of assistance. Like Otis, Thacher's legal argument closes with a strong profession of loyalty to the crown, and there is no good ground for thinking Thacher's legal argument closes with a strong profession of loyalty to the crown, and there is no good ground for thinking that in either case the profession was insincere. Argument and dissent were an Englishman's right, and the constitution had grown by protest against abuses. An even more effective statement of th subserviency to the orders and interests of Great-Britain? Such reasoning as that of Otis, Thacher, and Hopkins, however convincing to the popular mind, avoided, but did not settle, the importan two in London, one in Dublin, and a French version in Amsterdam. Without the legal mastery of Thacher or Dulany, but, fortunately, also without the discursiveness and extravagance of Otis or the in
ucher was rector of parishes in Maryland and Virginia, finding time, however, to take an active part in colonial politics. The volume referred to, dedicated to Washington and prefaced by an extended introduction, consists of thirteen sermons preached to his American congregations, and forms as a whole the best presentation of theestraining bills, that relating to New England, that Burke made his great speech on conciliation. In June came the battle of Bunker Hill and the appointment of Washington as commander-in-chief. On 6 July Congress adopted a Declaration of the causes and necessity of taking up arms, Text in W. MacDonald, Select Charters, 374-38 the latter at the Court of St. James; and Franklin, prince of American diplomatists, was not, in the larger field of government, a constructive statesman. But Washington, Madison, Jay, Hamilton, Patrick Henry, and other leaders were busy with their pens, discussing with one another, particularly in the interval from 1785 to 1787
Richard Wells (search for this): chapter 1.9
one. The writer, a young lawyer of Philadelphia, was later to contribute powerfully to the acceptance of the Federal Constitution by Pennsylvania. Not all who entered the lists, however, agreed so unreservedly with the sentiments of Congress or of the patriot leaders. A series of papers in The Pennsylvania packet, reprinted in a pamphlet with the title A Few Political Reflections Submitted to the Consideration of the British Colonies, by a Citizen of Philadelphia, and attributed to Richard Wells, urged compensation for the tea and the abandonment of violent protest, at the same time arguing for united rejection of the claim to taxation on the ground that the colonies were too old and too strong to be kept in leading-strings. An anonymous Letter from a Virginian, addressed to the Congress at Philadelphia, went further and frankly questioned the constitutional soundness and political wisdom of the arguments put forth by the Congress. No history of the American Revolution, or o
Martin Howard (search for this): chapter 1.9
oming. In February, 1765, there appeared at Newport A Letter from a Gentleman at Halifax, to his Friend in Rhode-Island, published anonymously, but written by Martin Howard, a Newport lawyer of repute. In this temperate, logical, and readable pamphlet, the Gentleman at Halifax, replying to Hopkins's labored, ostentatious piece, pette, while Otis, his zeal for debate knowing no provincial bounds, printed A Vindication of the British Colonies against the Aspersions of the Halifax Gentleman. Howard retorted with A Defence of the Letter from a Gentleman at Halifax, to his Friend in Rhode-Island, to which Otis responded with Brief remarks on the defence of the Halifax libel on the British-American-colonies. The tide of patriotism was rising, however, and the populace presently took a hand. Before the summer was over Howard, after being hanged and burned in effigy at Newport, fled to England, and the rights of the colonies were both asserted and proved. No substitute for the stamp
... 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 ...