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Theodorus Verax (search for this): chapter 1
lled them. I cannot spare the time, replied the soldier. By what right are we arrested? demanded they of the extravagant Hugh Peters. By the right of the sword, answered the late envoy from Massachusetts. You are called, said he, as he preached to the decimated parliament, to lead the people out of Egyptian bondage; this army must root up monarchy, not only here, but in France and other kingdoms round about. C. Walker, Hist. of Independency, II. 50, 51 (published anonymously. by Theodorus Verax. Cromwell, the night after the interruption, reiterated, I knew nothing of these late proceedings; but since the work has been done, I am glad of it, and will endeavor to maintain it. Ludlow, 105. When the house of commons had thus been eliminated, there remained few beside republicans; and it was resolved to bring the unhappy monarch to trial before a special commission. Providence and necessity, said Cromwell, affecting indecision, have cast the house upon this deliberation.
ge, a sluggish temperament, a narrowness of mind, and yet a very accurate, though a mean-spirited judgment, which, like a twofoot rule, measures great things as well as small, not rapidly, but with equal indifference and precision. Such a man was Monk, soon to be famous in American annals, from whose title, as duke of Albemarle, Virginia named one of her most beautiful counties, and Carolina her broadest bay. Sir William Coventry, no mean judge of men, esteemed him a drudge; Lord Sandwich sneered at him plainly as a thick-skulled fool; and the more courteous Pepys paints him as a heavy, dull man, who will not hinder business, and cannot aid it. He was precisely the man demanded by the crisis. When Monk marched his army from Scotland into England, he was only the instrument of the restoration, not its author. Originally a soldier of fortune in the army of the royalists, he had deserted his party, served against Charles I., and readily offered to Cromwell his support. He had no adeq
e to speak for you, unless you can call down from the gibbet the heads of your fellow-traitors? I stand single, said Vane; yet, being thus left alone, I am not afraid, in this great presence, to bear my witness to the glorious cause, nor to seal it with my blood. Such true magnanimity stimulated the vengeance of his enemies; they clamored for his life. Certainly, wrote the king, Sir Henry Vane is too dangerous a man to let live, if we can honestly put him out of the way. The letter, in Hallam, II. 443. It was found he could not honestly be put out of the way; but still, the solicitor urged, he must be made a sacrifice. We know what to do with Chap XI.} 1662 June. him, said the king's counsel. Trial of Sir Henry Vane, 73. 55. The day before his execution, his friends were admitted to his prison; and he cheered their drooping spirits by his own serene intrepidity, reasoning calmly on death and immortality. He reviewed his political career, from the day when he defended A
J. Winthrop (search for this): chapter 1
f the younger Winthrop; R. Williams to J. Winthrop, Jr., in Knowles, 310. You were the son of twothe most catholic unpopularity Maidston to Winthrop. He fell from the affections of the English p Richelieu, but Venice and Constantinople. Winthrop, i. 348 and 354; Mather, b. II. c. XI. From eauty to the gifts of nature and industry; Winthrop, i. 341. as he travelled through Europe, he s Mather, b. II. c. XI., Winthrop's will, in Winthrop, II. 360. in Massachusetts; himself, singlehan. How strange is the connection of events! Winthrop not only secured to his state a peaceful centicient concert in founding the Royal Society, Winthrop returned to America, bringing with him a name in the larger colony; the wise moderation of Winthrop was able to reconcile the jarrings, and blendonnecticut was reasonable. The charter which Winthrop had obtained, secured to her an existence of sand souls, in spite of the charter to 1664. Winthrop, and the possession of the Dutch, was, like p[6 more...]
sion. Though he was not himself a regicide, his zeal made him virtually an accomplice, by his influence over others. Evelyn's Memoirs, II. 3 He could not consider consequences, and zeal overwhelmed his judgment. Nor was he entirely free from that Chap. XI.} bigotry which refuses to extend the rights of humanity beyond its own altars; Trial of Anne Hutchinson. he could thank God for the massacres of Cromwell in Ireland. Whitelocke, 428. Drogheda is taken, 3552 of the enemy slain, Ashton killed; none spared. I came now from giving thanks in the great church. And yet benevolence was deeply fixed in his heart; he ever advocated he rights of the feeble, and pleaded for the sufferings of the poor. Of his whole career it was said, that many godly in New England dared not condemn what Hugh Peters had done. Crown, in Chalmers, 264. His arraignment, his trial, and his execution, were scenes of wanton injustice. He was allowed no counsel; and, indeed, his death had been resolve
Henry Vane (search for this): chapter 1
the ability, and the conscientious purity of Henry Vane were unavailing. Had the life of Hampden behe better principles of the Independents was Henry Vane; but the acknowledged leader of the party wa carried away with eagerness for monarchy, Sir Henry Vane, the former governor of Massachusetts, they was overthrown, and a commonwealth attempted, Vane reluctantly filled a seat in the council; and, ed him to Carisbrook Castle. Both Cromwell and Vane were unsuccessful states- Chap XI.} men; the f for his life. Certainly, wrote the king, Sir Henry Vane is too dangerous a man to let live, if we him, said the king's counsel. Trial of Sir Henry Vane, 73. 55. The day before his execution,e averted. Why should we fear death? answered Vane; I find it rather shrinks from me, than I from The plebeian Hugh Peters had been hanged; Sir Henry Vane was to suffer on the bock. The same cheermong the noblest productions of the human mind; Vane proved how fearlessly it could bear testimony f[6 more...]
English government in any event whatever. Connecticut was independent except in name. Charles II. and Clarendon thought they had created a close corporation, and they had really sanctioned a democracy. After his successful negotiations, Savage, in his second edition of Winthrop's Journal, published in 1853, vol. i. p. 151, corrects the opinion which he had expressed in his first edition, respecting the letter, supposed to have been addressed by Charles II. to the younger Winthrop. anrobation of Connecticut followed him throughout all the remainder of his life; for twice seven years he continued to be annually elected to Chap. XI.} 1662 to 1676. the office of her chief magistrate. Compare further on the younger Winthrop, Savage, in Winthrop, i. 64, and 126; Eliot's Biog. Diet.; Roger Wolcott, in Mass. Hist. Coll. IV. 262—298. And the gratitude of Connecticut was reasonable. The charter which Winthrop had obtained, secured to her an existence of tranquillity which
on was held, and religious May 5. freedom was established in the very words of the charter. Records. If Roman Catholics were disfranchised (which they were not) in March, 1663—4, that disfranchisement endured only two months. Compare Eddy, in Walsh's Appeal, 429, &c.; and Bull, in the R. I. Republican for Jan. 15, 1834.—Chalmers, 276; Douglass, II. 83. 104; British Dom. in America, II. 252; Brit. Empire, II. 148; Holmes, ,&c. &c. &c. are all but forms of the one single authority in the prist. Coll. contain many useful documents, too various to be specially cited. Our Rhode Island Historical Society has published five valuable volumes. Hopkins's History of Providence is not accurate; it is in the Mass. Hist. Coll. Compare, also, Walsh's Appeal, 431, &c. Let me not forget to add the reprints from the Records, and the Commentaries of Henry Bull, of Newport. Besides printed works, I have large Ms. materials, which I collected in part from the public offices in Rhode Island. I a
f tyranny are always essentially the same; the freedom of the press was subjected to parliamentary censors. The usurpation foreboded the subversion of the throne, and the subjection of the people. The liberators of England were become its tyrants; the rights of the nation had been asserted only to be sequestered for their use. The spirit of loyalty was still powerful in the commons; as the demands of the commons advanced, stormy debates and a close division ensued. Falkland, and Capel, and Hyde, now acted with the court. The remonstrance on the state of the kingdom, an uncom- Chap XI.} 1641 promising manifesto against the arbitrary measures of Charles, was democratic in its tendency; because it proposed no specific reform, but was rather a general and exciting appeal to popular opinion. The English mind was already as restless as the waves of the ocean by which the island is environed; the remonstrance was designed to increase that restlessness; in a house of more than five hund
ely a passion of religious superstition. Its root is in the human heart, and it is reproduced in every age. Chap. XI.} Blinding the intellectual eye, and comprehending no passion but its own, it is the passionate and partial defence of an existing interest. The Antonines of Rome, or, not to go beyond English history, Elizabeth and Charles I., did not question the divine right of absolute power. Were Nero in power, said Cromwell himself, when protector, it would be a duty to submit. When Laud was arraigned, Can any one believe me a traitor? exclaimed the astonished prelate, with real surprise. The Cavaliers, in the civil war, did not doubt the sanctity of the privileges of birth: and now the English parliament, as the instrument of mercantile avarice, had no scruple in commencing the legislation, which, when the colonists grew powerful, was, by the greatest British economist, declared to be a manifest violation of the rights of mankind. Smith's Wealth of Nations. Such was
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