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Lawrence M. Keitt (search for this): chapter 3
thirty years. . . . In regard to the Fugitive Slave Law, I myself doubted its constitutionality, and doubted it on the floor of the Senate, when I was a member of that body. 1850-1851. The States, acting in their sovereign capacity, Lawrence M Keitt. should be responsible for the rendition of fugitive slaves. That was our best security. --It is no spasmodic effort, said Francis S. Parker, another member of the Convention, that has come suddenly upon us; it has been gradually culminating for a long period of thirty years. --As my friend (Mr. Parker) has said, spoke John A. Inglis, another member of the Convention, most of us have had this matter under consideration for the last twenty years. And Lawrence M. Keitt, the supporter of Preston S. Brooks, when he brutally assailed Senator Sumner in the Senate Chamber, in 1856, who was also a member of the Secession Convention, said:--I have been engaged in this movement ever since I entered political life. Let us return to the Message
James H. Hammond (search for this): chapter 3
uchanan. to the contrary, that the long-continued and intemperate interference of the Northern people with the question of Slavery in the Southern States Senator Hammond, of South Carolina, and others, publicly declared, long before the rebellion broke out, that the discussion of the subject of Slavery at the North had been very useful. After speaking of the great value of Slavery to the Cotton-growing States, Mr. Hammond observed:--Such has been for us the happy results of the Abolition discussion. So far our gain has been immense from this contest, savage and malignant as it has been. Nay, we have solved already the question of Emancipation, by thin inconsiderable portion of ten of the States of our Republic, that its puissance was generally conceded. In the Senate of the United States, in March, 1858, Senator Hammond, of South Carolina, said, exultingly:--You dare not make war upon Cotton. No power on earth dares to make war upon it. Cotton is King. Until lately the Bank
Howell Cobb (search for this): chapter 3
ce, to restrain or persuade them, he resigned the seals of his office on the 12th of December, and retired to private life. He was succeeded by Jeremiah S. Black, Buchanan's Attorney-General. Two days before, as we have observed on page 44, Howell Cobb left the office of Secretary of the Treasury, because his duty to Georgia required it, and was succeeded by Philip F. Thomas, of Maryland. Cobb's letter of resignation was dated the 8th, but he did not leave office until the 10th. The PresideCobb's letter of resignation was dated the 8th, but he did not leave office until the 10th. The President, too, conscious of his own impotence — conscious that the Goverment was in the hands of its enemies — and despairing of the salvation of the Union by human agency, issued a Proclamation on the 14th of December, recommending the observance of the 4th day of January following as a day for humiliation, fasting, and prayer, throughout the Republic. The Union of the States, he said, is at the present moment threatened with alarming and immediate danger; panic and distress, of a fearful character,
D. Gurley (search for this): chapter 3
Therefore with the deepest anxiety the people, in all parts of the Republic, listened to hear the voice of the President in his Annual Message to Congress, which, it was supposed, would indicate, with clearness and precision, the line of policy which the Government intended to pursue. Both Houses of Congress convened at noon on the 3d of December. The Senate, with Mr. Breckinridge, the Vice-President, in the chair, was opened by a prayer by the Rev. P. John C. Breckinridge. D. Gurley, D. D., the Chaplain of that House, who fervently prayed that all the rulers and the people might be delivered from erroneous judgments, from misleading influences, and from the sway of evil passions The House of Representatives, with William Pennington, the Speaker, in the chair, was opened with prayer by its Chaplain, the Rev. Thomas H. Stockton, who fervently thanked God for the blessings we have enjoyed within this Union--natural blessings, civil blessings, spiritual blessings, social bles
Shakspeare (search for this): chapter 3
aration of war is made, the State of which I am a citizen will be found ready and quite willing to meet it. While we remain here, acting as embassadors of Sovereign States, at least under the form of friendship, held together by an alliance as close as it is possible for Sovereign States to stand to each other, threats from one to the other seem to be wholly inappropriate. Wigfall, of Texas, a truculent debater, of ability and ready speech, of whom it might have been truthfully said, in Shakspeare's words:-- Here's a large mouth, indeed, That spits forth death, and mountains, rocks, and seas; Talks as familiarly of roaring lions As maids of thirteen do of puppy-dogs, did not seem to agree with the cautious, wily, and polished Mississippi Senator. Louis T. Wigfall. After declaring that State after State would soon leave the Union, and that, so far as he was concerned,, he chose not to give a reason for the high sovereign act, he said, Now, Sir, I admit that a constitutional
F. D. Richardson (search for this): chapter 3
ings which Sovereign States may of right do. When that is done, a minister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary will be sent to present his credentials; and when they are denied, or refused to be recognized by this Government, I say to you, that the sovereignty of her soil will be asserted, and it will be maintained at the point of the bayonet. Then, referring to a threat that seceding States would be coerced into submission, he expressed a hope that such Democrats as Vallandigham, and Richardson, and Logan, and Cox, and McClernand, and Pugh, of Ohio — members of the House of Representatives--would stand by the Slave power in this matter, and prevent the erection of (what he was pleased to call the armed power of the United States) a military despotism. The edifice is not yet completed, he said. South Carolina, thank God! has laid her hands upon one of the pillars, and she will shake it until it totters first, and then topples. She will destroy that edifice, though she perish a
James Buchanan (search for this): chapter 3
Meeting of the thirty-sixth Congress, 64. President Buchanan's Message, 65. the Fugitive Slave Law, 67. Personahe solemn assurances of leaders in the rising revolt James Buchanan. to the contrary, that the long-continued and intempet for the ears of the people of the Slave-labor States, Mr. Buchanan proceeded to argue that the election of a President obnat the President elect would feel it to be his duty, as Mr. Buchanan had done, to act vigorously in executing the Fugitive SLegislatures who enacted them, would, in the opinion of Mr. Buchanan, be a sufficient justification of the people of the Slathe sorcerer's wand. In the contrast between Jackson and Buchanan, which that retrospect exhibited, they saw cause for gloowis Cass (also his companion-in-arms in the War of 1812), Buchanan's Lewis Cass. Secretary of State, on the 6th of Deo private life. He was succeeded by Jeremiah S. Black, Buchanan's Attorney-General. Two days before, as we have observed
John C. Breckinridge (search for this): chapter 3
nnual Message to Congress, which, it was supposed, would indicate, with clearness and precision, the line of policy which the Government intended to pursue. Both Houses of Congress convened at noon on the 3d of December. The Senate, with Mr. Breckinridge, the Vice-President, in the chair, was opened by a prayer by the Rev. P. John C. Breckinridge. D. Gurley, D. D., the Chaplain of that House, who fervently prayed that all the rulers and the people might be delivered from erroneous judJohn C. Breckinridge. D. Gurley, D. D., the Chaplain of that House, who fervently prayed that all the rulers and the people might be delivered from erroneous judgments, from misleading influences, and from the sway of evil passions The House of Representatives, with William Pennington, the Speaker, in the chair, was opened with prayer by its Chaplain, the Rev. Thomas H. Stockton, who fervently thanked God for the blessings we have enjoyed within this Union--natural blessings, civil blessings, spiritual blessings, social blessings, all kinds of blessings — such blessings as were never enjoyed by any other people since the world began. Committees were
John Hemphill (search for this): chapter 3
e their leading policy, and they would be very quiet about it. They want to get up that sort of free debate which has been put into practice in Texas, according to the Senator from New York [Mr. Seward], for he is reported to have said, in one of his speeches in the Northwest, alluding to recent disturbances, to burnings and poisonings there, that Texas was excited by free debate. Well, Sir, continued Clingman, with peculiar emphasis, a Senator from Texas The Senators from Texas were John Hemphill and Louis T. Wigfall. told me, the other day, that a good many of those debaters were hanging up by the trees in that country! When Clingman ceased speaking, the venerable John Jay Crittenden, of Kentucky, tottering with physical infirmities and the burden of seventy-five years--the Nestor of Congress — instantly arose and mildly rebuked the Senator, while his seditious words were yet ringing in the ears of his amazed peers. I rise here, he said, to express the hope, and that alone,
Alexander H. Stephens (search for this): chapter 3
n us all the dogs of war. And how stands it now? Why, in this very quarter of a century, our slaves have doubled in numbers, and each slave has More than doubled in value. --Speech at Barnwell Court House, Oct. 27, 1858. In July 1859, Alexander H. Stephens, in a speech in Georgia, said he was not one of those who believed that the South had sustained any injury by those agitations. So far, he said, from the institution of African Slavery in our section being weakened or rendered less secure for the offended ones to rebel. Reason, justice, a regard for the Constitution, he said, all require that we shall wait for some overt and dangerous act on the part of the President elect before resorting to such a remedy. He also argued, as Stephens had done before him, that the hands of the new President would be tied by a majority against him in Congress, and on the bench of the Supreme Court of the United States. He then touched upon the provocations endured by the Southern States in co
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