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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,632 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 998 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 232 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2 156 0 Browse Search
J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary 142 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 138 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 134 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 130 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 130 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 126 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley). You can also browse the collection for Europe or search for Europe in all documents.

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Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Perils and Besetting Snares. (search)
, and all the phenomena of social life. This is true of it in a time of peace, when there is no pressure from without, and no extraordinary demand upon the resources of the State. Comparatively, at such a time, an indulgence in cowardly stupidities may be harmless. But a war is by no means impossible. We have vapored and swaggered and played Pistol; we have indulged in the pleasing luxury of Ostend manifestoes; and, in theory at least, we have demolished most of the reigning dynasties of Europe, just as effectually as we have demolished Greytown. But suppose the dogs of war should become too strong for the Marcy of the future, or should grow restive in their leashes, with no Palmerston to restrain them. In the event of war, have our readers considered how frightful would be the results of an invasion of the Southern country? That there would be invasion nobody can doubt; nor can any one suppose that a sagacious enemy would strike at us in the strongest places. Then, indeed, t
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Mr. Mason's manners. (search)
ridegrooms, with treatises upon every manner of incoming and outgoing, incident to human life; if we have complete letter-writers and vade-mecums for all kinds of persons, why should not our ministers plenipotentiary and our embassadors extraordinary have a manual of as much authority as that of General Scott is with infantry? Why should they not be taught to go through their paces, their genuflexions, their advances and their retreats? How must we have suffered in the estimation of polite Europe for the want of such a work, to the compilation of which we do respect-fully entreat Mr. Peter Parley to devote his declining years! Might not such a volume, however elementary in,, its inculcations, have shown to John Randolph, of Roanoke, (clarum et venerable nomen!) the impropriety of approaching in a pair of buckskin breeches the enthroned Majesty of Muscovy? or of falling before Royalty upon his knees? For performing these two feats, the Lord of Roanoke drew eighteen thousand dollars
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), A banner with a strange Device (search)
ount of our personal property has she taken with her, but she has left our dear old bird. She has spoiled the gridiron, but she has spared the goose. We have him still, beak, talons and feathers! For us, dis-United States though we may be, he will continue to soar and scream and spread his wings. From our banner a star or two may madly shoot, and a stripe or so may fade; but we keep our bird — creature called by our name — our pet fowl, so admired and respected in the principal Courts of Europe. He has not nullified. Without him we had been bankrupt in our blazonry hard up in our heraldry a colorless, flagless, standardless, buntingless, pennonless people. With him we may indulge in dreams of future glory to some extent gratifying. Let us indulge! The Southern Confederacy it would seem, is sick of ornithological devices. In cropping the eagle, it crops the whole feathered race. There were birds to be had for the catching — buzzards, vultures, condor, adjutants, flamingoes <
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), No Question before the House. (search)
ich now becloud men's judgments, will have passed away. Should that history disclose the Confederate Slave States as proper objects of Anglo-Saxon esteem and sympathy, and our own Government as inhuman and unchristian, then the whole world is all wrong as to right, and public morality is the most pitiable of mistakes. If it shall be decided that a civil war waged in the name of Freedom for the extension of Slavery was holy, necessary and just, we hope for consistency's sake, when civilized Europe no longer calls itself Christian, and when the Anglican Church has embraced the faith of Mohammed, that such a decision will be made, and not before. Then, indeed, should a House of Commons yet remain in Great Britain, it will be perfectly proper if any member is old-fashioned enough to speak of international honor, for the Speaker to call him peremptorily to order, and to remind him that there is no question before the House. But now when we consider the historical, the commercial, the
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The charge of Precipitancy. (search)
with unconcern? But we committed, it seems, another offense. South Carolina merely indulged in treason — our crime was leze-majesty against taste. Our newspapers heaped every conceivable opprobrium upon Southerners. We did not sufficiently bate our breath. We did not softly enough whisper our humbleness. It was found that, Shylocks as we were, there was a lower depth of concession into which money could not tempt us. To tell the truth, we were a little afraid of the sarcasms of our European critics, and we shrunk from the insolent leading-articles wherewithal, if we had been false to truth and honor, The Times would have regaled us. We thought that in the presence of such crimes, indignation was a virtue. Our catalogue of past grievances was a long one, and when the culmination of them came, a people accustomed to no censorship of speech, uttered its convictions with a rude energy which offended none but trimmers. To our credit be it said, we were a little out of patience, I
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Prophecies and Probabilities. (search)
f a nation is to be thus gratuitously discredited, it has a right to plead previous good character. There has been more noise made abroad about American Repudiation than the facts, disgraceful as they were, warranted; but the credit of the United States of America has always been as good, is as good to-day, and will be in the future as good as the credit of England; and we think that this is stating the case very mildly — while it is at this moment better than the credit of more than one European power, the downfall of which nobody anticipates. Until, therefore, we commit an act of insolvency, we beg foreign writers, to whom we owe nothing, to possess their souls in peace. We are not utterly deficient in prudence and economy, of the necessity of which we are every day reminded; and he who writes us down fools, before we have proved our incompetency, is himself included in his own accusation. There is an abiding compensation in all our troubles. Through successes and reverses, th
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Democracy in London. (search)
man-owners were more fortunate abroad, where we should have supposed the speculation would have been more desperate. It is at this juncture that England invokes the aid of her old enemies, the American Democracy, and tempts them to an utter abnegation of honor and honesty. It is now in a spirit of pure selfishness that she hints to them that by bated breath and whispered humbleness, by unlimited concessions and a thorough-paced flunkeyism, they may secure their own power and advance her prosperity. The leading journal of Europe, as some have called it, is hot ashamed to stimulate what remains of the dough-faces to lower cringing and ingenuities of humiliation. It would use as the wheedled instrument of its selfish purposes, the very party which yesterday it affected to despise, and unquestionably detested. We do not think that political scheming has ever made a baser or more ludicrous descent than this, even when under the influence of commercial appetites. November 19, 1862.
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Roland for Oliver. (search)
ean hands. By recrimination the woman taken in adultery escaped not only a cruel but a legal death; and the consciousness that we are none of us without sin, saves society from perpetual collisions and an eternal wrangle. But when Gen. Butler, placed as he was in a most difficult and delicate position, found it necessary to resort to certain punishments, some of them extreme indeed, but most of them of a mild and municipal character — punishments which fifty years ago were as familiar to Europe as the bulletins of Napoleon — then every scribbler for the London newspapers felt it to be his duty to elevate his whine, and to represent the General as a blood-thirsty ogre, only deterred from dining upon Rebels by the extreme leanness of their corporeity. There was never a sillier slander. Imagine a commander in military possession of a captured town, who allows his soldiers to be insulted, his authority to be questioned, his Government to be derided in the newspapers; who invites hi
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Davis to Mankind. (search)
s oppressors; that those who are only now casting off the manacles of the Middle Ages, are to be cozened into the belief that involuntary servitude is the most blessed of human conditions. Davis should remember that he is asking the statesmen of Europe to acknowledge as excellent in America, a social policy which they are fast abandoning at home; and that the enfranchised of the old lands comprehend well enough what Slavery must be in the United States. Human nature will have something to do with that common humanity, to which Davis officially tenders the assurance of his most respectful consideration. There is no man in Europe who is so ignorant as not to know that Slavery means unrequited toil, unrestrained cruelty, the despair of man and the degradation of woman. Whips speak a universal language as they fall upon the bare and blistering back; all ears understand that their hiss is hellish, and that the mystic characters which they write upon the cracking and furrowed skin do n
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Mr. B. Wood's Utopia. (search)
olent gentleman can only mean, as he evidently does, the destruction of Rebels--and if they were every one of them destroyed, by the sword, the axe, the gallows or ratsbane, the chances of Wood's Happy Family would be considerably multiplied. The object of the Government, if we understand it, is to enforce the legal and most righteous jurisdiction of the Constitution over certain territories of great extent and value. If we conquer, the Moguls of the Rebellion will, if they can, levant to European, Mexican, or South American parts; and those who cannot get away, must be dealt with according to law. This will finish the matter neatly, and it will be finished quite as neatly, though not quite so pleasantly, if we are worsted. But Mr. Ben Wood's peace would settle nothing. Instead of the Felicitous Family of his dulcet dreams — rats, mice, rabbits, and terriers in one cage — we should only go back to ancient riots and quondam rows. The voice of the bully would again be heard in the
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