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Jubal Anderson Early, Ruth Hairston Early, Lieutenant General Jubal A. Early , C. S. A., Autobiographical sketch. (search)
1 and 1842, being the youngest member of the body. In the following spring, I was badly beaten by my former preceptor in the law, who was a member of the Democratic Party, while I was a supporter of the principles of the Whig Party, of which Mr. Clay was the principal leader. My political opponent, though a personal friend, Mr. Taliaferro, held the position of prosecuting attorney in the circuit courts of several counties, and as these offices were rendered vacant by his election to the of law in my own and the adjoining counties, with very fair success until the breaking out of the war between the United States and Mexico, consequent upon the annexation of Texas. Though I had voted, in the presidential election of 1844, for Mr. Clay, who opposed the annexation of Texas, yet, when war ensued, I felt it to be my duty to sustain the government in that war and to enter the military service if a fitting opportunity offered. When the regiment of volunteers from Virginia was call
The Atlanta (Georgia) Campaign: May 1 - September 8, 1864., Part I: General Report. (ed. Maj. George B. Davis, Mr. Leslie J. Perry, Mr. Joseph W. Kirkley), chapter 27 (search)
ieth Illinois, Lieutenant-Colonel Kilgour; N inth Indiana, Colonel Suman; Thirty-sixth Indiana, Lieutenant-Colonel Carey; Thirtieth Indiana, Captain Dawson; Seventy-seventh Pennsylvania, Capt. J. J. Lawson, to which was attached Batltry B, Pennsylvania. Effective force, officers and men, about 2,900. By orders from Major-General Stanley, division commander, we marched with the balance of his command on the 3d day of May, 1864, from our camp at Blue Springs, near Cleveland, Tenn., to Red Clay, on the Georgia line, and camped for the night. May 4, marched with the division to Catoosa Springs, Ga. (with light skirmishing), for concentration with the army, where we rested until May 7, when we marched with the corps, drove the enemy from and took possession of Tunnel Hill, Ga. For several succeeding days we advanced upon and ineffectually endeavored to drive the enemy from Rocky Face Ridge in our front. My position was on the left of the rail and wagon roads leading through Buzzard
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 5. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Fifth annual meeting of the Southern Historical Society, October 31st., 1877. (search)
ues that were then agitating the country. Many compromises were devised by generous and patriotic men, who set high examples of personal sacrifice before the people, but their counsels were rejected. Compromise was as fuel to the flame. Advice and warning were lost on the people. Within a few years before the war America was, in rapid succession, bereft of the three men who have added to her fame the chief glory of the 19th century. Twenty centuries may not produce the equal of either Clay, Webster, or Calhoun. They had all, through lives of long public service, participated in the great discussions which involved every phase of this question of slavery, and had weighed all considerations affecting it in any degree. They did not in all things agree; in one they did, that slavery was under the express protection of the Constitution of the United States. In another matter, they also agreed. As death summoned each of them to his departure from earth, he turned his thoughts to
William A. Smith, DD. President of Randolph-Macon College , and Professor of Moral and Intellectual Philosophy., Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery as exhibited in the Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United States: withe Duties of Masters to Slaves., Lecture I. Introductory remarks on the subject of African slavery in the United States. (search)
of Providence, many of the Southern people actually believed — until railroad communications began to dispel the illusion — that their own happy States were really falling back in civilization to the darkness of the middle ages. Add to all this, the halls of legislation continue to echo the opinion that domestic slavery is a great moral, political, and social evil. In this connection, the phrase, moral evil, is restricted to its appropriate meaning, sin. No doubt, Messrs. Doddridge, Rives, Clay, Webster, and many others — illustrious names!--who have substantially used this language in various connections, only meant to deprecate the evils of slavery in strong terms, that they might propitiate a more favorable consideration of what they had to say in its defence. But if we be correct in the position already postulated, it is quite time our politicians, no less than our ecclesiastics, had learned to chasten their language on this subject, The fountains of public thought and feeling <
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 11 (search)
ll demonstrate his devotion to his country as by sustaining the flag, the constitution, and the Union, under all circumstances, and under every Administration, regardless of party politics, against all assailants, at home and abroad. The course of Clay and Webster towards the administration of Jackson, in the days of nullification, presents a noble and worthy example for all true patriots. At the very moment when that fearful crisis was precipitated upon the country, partisan strife between Whiil the conspiracy was crushed and abandoned, when they resumed their former positions as party leaders upon political issues. These acts of patriotic devotion have never been deemed evidences of infidelity or political treachery, on the part of Clay and Webster, to the principles and organization of the old Whig party. Nor have I any apprehension that the firm and unanimous support which the Democratic leaders and masses are now giving to the Constitution and the Union will ever be deemed ev
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 70 (search)
n accord, and that the first act of resistance to the law is treason to the United States; the decisions of some of the most enlightened of the State judiciaries in repudiation of the dangerous dogma; the concurrent disavowal of it by the Marshalls, and Kents, and Storys, and McLeans, and Waynes, and Catrons, and Reverdy Johnsons, and Guthries, and all the really great jurists of the land; the brand of absurdity and wickedness which has been stamped upon it by Andrew Jackson, and Webster, and Clay, and Crittenden, and Everett, and Douglas, and Cass, and Holt, and Andrew Johnson, and Wickliffe, and Dickinson, and the great body of our truly eminent statesmen: these considerations and authorities present the doctrine of secession to me with one side only. But I do wish to inquire of my colleagues, if they have seriously reflected on the consequences of secession, should it come? Do you expect (as I have heard some of you declare) that the power and influence of Virginia are such th
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 122 (search)
hern measure, of which the great object, and leading end and aim, by which it was alone justified as an expedient undertaking, was the conquest and annexation of Canada. That attempt, had it been successful, would have added so much to the strength and population of the free States as effectually to have curbed all the slaveholding pretensions of the last forty years to govern the nation, and now, failing that, to sectionalize and divide it. Nor is it unreasonable to suppose that such men as Clay, Calhoun, Cheves, Lowndes, and Grundy, who urged the conquest of Canada as the means within our reach to punish the maritime aggressions of England, could have failed to foresee the inevitable consequences of that enterprise had we succeeded in it. They were patriots who sought the glory, welfare, and greatness of the united nation, not the base and selfish aggrandisement of a section and a faction. Unfortunately they failed to conquer Canada, but in the impulse which the war gave to our dom
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Poetry and Incidents., Volume 4. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 86 (search)
at the fell desires Of the base secession crew? Shall we let such knaves and traitors, Robbers, thieves, and freedom-haters, All our nation's great creators' Most successful work undo? No! By Washington and Wayne, Adams, Franklin, Lee, and Penn, All those brave, true-hearted men Who Freedom gained and Union gave us-- Up! and fight for Law and Order, Fight until the last marauder Ye have driven from your border, Who oppress and would enslave us! By that bright and proud array-- Patriot names of later day-- Jackson, Webster, Wirt, and Clay, Statesmen, orators, and sages-- Who have battled, “armed men strong,” For the right against the wrong, That their country loved might long Stand the hope of unborn ages. By the God of heaven above us, By the dear ones loved, who love us, By all motives pure that move us, The Hero's or the Martyr's crown-- We will never yield us, never, Till the fiends who seek to sever Our loved country are for ever And for evermore put down! Louisville Journ
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 10. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 41 (search)
arless, and cheerful manner in which they discharged their duties. Major Wilson, Assistant Adjutant-General; Colonel Van Zinken, A. A. G., who had two horses shot under him; Captain Martin, A. I. G., who received a contusion from a grape shot; Lieutenant Breckinridge, Aid-de-Camp, whose horse was shot; Captain Semple, Ordnance Officer; Lieutenant Bertus (Twentieth Louisiana), A. A. I. G.; Dr. Heustis, Chief Surgeon; Dr. Kratz, on duty in the field; and Messrs. McGehee, Coleman, Mitchell, and Clay, volunteers on my staff, performed their duties in a manner to command my confidence and regard. One member of my staff I cannot thank. Major R. E. Graves, Chief of Artillery, received a mortal wound in the action of Sunday, the twentieth. Although a very young man, he had won eminence in arms, and he gave promise of the highest distinction. A truer friend, a purer patriot, a better soldier never lived. I am, Colonel, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, John C. Breckinridge
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 2. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 6.35 (search)
ets, is an old brick building, erected in 1817, for the use of Congress, as the capitol building proper had been destroyed by fire by the British army under General Ross, August 24th, 1814. It was used by Congress until the capitol was rebuilt, and then fitted up as a boarding house. Honorable John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, died in it. This pure and illustrious patriot and statesman — twice elected Vice-President of the United States, and the greatest of the great Triumvirate, Calhoun, Clay and Webster, the only one who has left any enduring work to perpetuate his fame — never dreamed that his own room, in sight of the Goddess of Liberty on the dome of the capitol, would some day be used as a prison dungeon for the victims of rampant, fanatical abolitionism and the advocates of a higher law than the constitution which they had sworn to uphold and support. Prisoners are taken into the office, near the entrance, on their arrival, questioned, their answers being written in a book,
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