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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1. Search the whole document.

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January 7th (search for this): chapter 31
rued as an evidence of intolerance, and as a want of respect for a distinguished representative of the Irish people, with whose cause, on the contrary, Mr. Davis always sympathized warmly. He thought temperance should be the outcome of individual will and conviction of the duty to be temperate in all things, and would not be the better practised because of statutes which would destroy personal and community independence, and erect a system of espionage over private family matters. On January 7th, the subject of slavery was again introduced into debate by the presentation of resolutions from the General Assembly of Vermont. In the course of the debate that followed, Mr. Davis replied to Mr. Hale, of New Hampshire. I quote a single extract only from his speech: Mr. President: I always enter into the discussion of the slavery question with feelings of reluctance; and only because I am forced to it by those who, having nothing to do with it, nevertheless indecently interfere
January 24th (search for this): chapter 31
solutions within her own limits in the war of aggression, as she attempted to keep her troops during that War. Mr. Davis was eminently conservative as well of the rights of the States under the Constitution as of the limitations of the powers of Congress. He adhered to the letter and the spirit of both, and guarded the treasury with the same jealous care that he exercised over the interests of his State. A notable instance of this consistency is evinced in the speech I quote. On January 24th, in the debate on a resolution, directing the Library Committee to negotiate for the purchase of the Mss. of Washington's Farewell Address, Mr. Davis said: The value of the Farewell Address is two-fold: first, for the opinions contained in it, and, next, the authority from which they are derived. I am of the opinion that no benefit can result to the country or to the people generally by the owning of these sheets of Mss. No one, scarcely, will be allowed to read it, for it will have
February (search for this): chapter 31
ended. Mr. Davis took his own course, allying himself of necessity with no party-yielding to no mere sentimental view of duty, or allegiance. He conscientiously examined the Constitution of the Union as the conservator, guarantee, and limitation of his rights, and honorably abided by its authority. Throughout this memorable session antislavery petitions were adopted by the leaders of the movement in the North to force the discussions of the slavery question into Congress. Early in February, a motion was made by Senator Hale, of New Hampshire, to receive a petition from inhabitants of Delaware and Pennsylvania, praying for the immediate and peaceful dissolution of the Union. Up to this date it had been the uniform practice to lay on the table without debate all resolutions relating to the slavery agitation. But on this occasion a spirited debate followed Senator Hale's motion. Mr. Davis took part. He said: I rise merely to make a few remarks on the right of petition .
March 7th (search for this): chapter 31
en who came peacefully to recover their property, would evade or obstruct, so as to render practically worthless, any law that could be enacted for that purpose. Mr. Davis records an interesting incident of his own life at this time: While the Compromise Measures of 1850 were pending, and the excitement concerning them was at its highest, I, one day, overtook Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, and Mr. Berrien, of Georgia, in the Capitol grounds. They were in earnest conversation. It was on March 7th--the day on which Mr. Webster had delivered his great speech. Mr. Clay, addressing me in the friendly manner which he had always employed since I was a schoolboy in Lexington, asked me what I thought of the speech. I liked it better than he did. He then suggested that I should join the Compromise men, saying that it was a measure that would probably give peace to the country for thirty years--the period that had elapsed since the adoption of the Compromise of 1820. Then, turning to Mr.
December 20th (search for this): chapter 31
pute; and, sad as it is to render such a verdict on the dead statesman, his was an entirely selfish and personal consideration of the question. Between sectional prejudices so hostile, and between politics and leaders so antagonistic, it was soon evident that no peaceful reconciliation was probable, and that the day of compromises was over. This was speedily demonstrated in the Senate. The first sign of the beginning of an irreconcilable conflict between the sections was seen on December 20th. A resolution was offered (ostensibly as a compliment to the famous Irish temperance orator), that Theobald Mathew be permitted to sit within the bar of the Senate during the period of his sojourn in Washington. This resolution was favored by Mr. Seward and other Northern senators, but it was opposed by the Southern members, on the ground that Father Mathew, in the language of Senator Clemens, had been charged with denouncing one portion of the Confederacy as little better than a band
1812 AD (search for this): chapter 31
t may be doubted make their declarations of fidelity to the Union; we have nothing of the kind to do. If the State of Vermont chooses to send to the Senate of the United States insulting resolutions relating to her sister States, let the senators and representatives of that State do their duty in relation to them; and, as I say nothing against a Sovereign State, I will only say to those senators, that I regret that Vermont has not now such constitutional scruples as actuated her in the War of 1812, and that she does not keep her resolutions within her own limits in the war of aggression, as she attempted to keep her troops during that War. Mr. Davis was eminently conservative as well of the rights of the States under the Constitution as of the limitations of the powers of Congress. He adhered to the letter and the spirit of both, and guarded the treasury with the same jealous care that he exercised over the interests of his State. A notable instance of this consistency is evinced
1820 AD (search for this): chapter 31
herwise, and the line of political conciliation was then obliterated as far as it lay in the power of Congress to do. This result was effected almost exclusively by the representatives of the North. However objectionable it may have been, in 1820, to adopt that political line as expressing a geographical definition of different sectional interests, and, however it may be condemned as the assumption by Congress of a function not delegated to it, it is to be remembered that the act had recei liked it better than he did. He then suggested that I should join the Compromise men, saying that it was a measure that would probably give peace to the country for thirty years--the period that had elapsed since the adoption of the Compromise of 1820. Then, turning to Mr. Berrien, he said: You and I will be under ground before that time, but our young friend here may have trouble to meet. I, somewhat impatiently, declared my unwillingness to transfer to posterity a trial which they would be
1849 AD (search for this): chapter 31
Chapter 31: thirty-first Congress, 1849-50. The first session of the Thirty-first Congress opened on Monday, December 3, 1849. In no preceding Senate had been seen more brilliant groups of statesmen from both South and North. Among the distinguished senators then, or soon subsequently to be, famous, were Davis, Calhoun, Clay, Webster, Benton, Corwin, Cass, Fillmore, Johnson, Stephen A. Douglas, Seward, Chase, Houston, Badger, of North Carolina; Butler, of South Carolina; Hamlin, Hunter, with society, except when our friends were invited to visit us. It was a period of his life that he remembered with just pride, and after a generation had passed he thus wrote of this Congress: The first session of the Thirty — first Congress (1849-50) was a memorable one. The recent acquisition from Mexico of New Mexico and California, required legislation from Congress. In the Senate, the bills reported by the Committee on Territories were referred to a select committee of which Mr. Clay
December 3rd, 1849 AD (search for this): chapter 31
Chapter 31: thirty-first Congress, 1849-50. The first session of the Thirty-first Congress opened on Monday, December 3, 1849. In no preceding Senate had been seen more brilliant groups of statesmen from both South and North. Among the distinguished senators then, or soon subsequently to be, famous, were Davis, Calhoun, Clay, Webster, Benton, Corwin, Cass, Fillmore, Johnson, Stephen A. Douglas, Seward, Chase, Houston, Badger, of North Carolina; Butler, of South Carolina; Hamlin, Hunter, and Mason, of Virginia; Berrien, Mangum, and Pierre Soule. It was to this Congress that Mr. Clay presented his famous compromise resolutions, which may be regarded as the beginning of the last period of the long controversy between the sections before the secession of the Southern States from the Union. It was memorable by the threatening prominence given to the Anti-slavery agitation, which was now beginning to overshadow all other Federal issues. The growth of the Anti-slavery moveme
1850 AD (search for this): chapter 31
Chapter 31: thirty-first Congress, 1849-50. The first session of the Thirty-first Congress opened on Monday, December 3, 1849. In no preceding Senate had been seen more brilliant groups of stat passed he thus wrote of this Congress: The first session of the Thirty — first Congress (1849-50) was a memorable one. The recent acquisition from Mexico of New Mexico and California, required lthis counsellor emanated the bills which, taken together, are known as the Compromise Measures of 1850. With some others, I advocated the division of the newly acquired territory by the extension he calm consideration we can usually give to the irremediable past, the Compromise Legislation of 1850 bears the impress of that sectional spirit so widely at variance with the general purposes of thords an interesting incident of his own life at this time: While the Compromise Measures of 1850 were pending, and the excitement concerning them was at its highest, I, one day, overtook Mr. Cla
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