Your search returned 630 results in 191 document sections:

the precedent set by Molineux in his argument for Ireland, reasoned the matter through to its logical conclusion. Liberty, said the earnest writer, In the Boston Gazette of the 24th of August, appeared a paper taken from Molineux's Case of Ireland, with variations to adapt it to America. is the inherent right of all mankind. Ireland has its own Parliament and makes laws; and English statutes do not bind them, says Lord Coke, because they send no knights to Parliament. The same reason hoIreland has its own Parliament and makes laws; and English statutes do not bind them, says Lord Coke, because they send no knights to Parliament. The same reason holds good as to America. Consent only gives human laws their force. Therefore the Parliament of England cannot extend their jurisdiction beyond their constituents. Advancing the powers of the Parliament of England, by breaking the rights of the Parliaments of America, may in time have its effects. If this writer succeeds, said Bernard, a civil war must ensue; Bernard to Shelburne, 24 August, 1767. and the prediction was well founded, for the King, on his part, was irrevocably bent on givi
ging on Liberty Tree; they were instantly taken Chap. XXXII.} 1768. March down by the friends of the people. The Governor endeavored to magnify the atrociousness of the insult, and to express fears of violence; the Council justly insisted there was no danger of disturbance. The day was celebrated Boston Gazette of 21 March, 1768; 677, 3, 1. by a temperate festival, at which toasts were drunk to the Freedom of the Press, to Paoli and the Corsicans, to the joint freedom of America and Ireland; to the immortal memory of Brutus, Cassius, Hampden and Sidney. Those who dined together broke up early. There was no bonfire lighted, and in the evening, these are Hutchinson's Hutchinson to Richard Jackson, 23 March, 1768. words, written within the week of the event, we had only such a mob as we have long been used to on the Fifth of November, and other holidays. Gage Gage to the Secretary of State, 31 October, 1768. too, who afterwards made careful inquiry in Boston, declared th
the more liberal aristocracy Fitzwilliam to Rockingham, 1769; in Albemarle, II. 142. Chatham to Rockingham, Id. 193. that junction with the people, which, after sixty years, achieved the Reform of the British Constitution; but in that day it was opposed by the passionate impulses of Burke, Burke in Albemarle, II. 195. and the inherent reluctance of the high-born. The debate on the ninth turned on the capacity and rights of the people, and involved the complaints of America and of Ireland, not less than the discontent of England at the disfranchisement of Wilkes. It is vain and idle to found the authority of this House upon the popular voice, said Charles Jenkinson, pleading for the absolute independence of Parliament. The discontents that are held up as spectres, said Thomas de Grey, brother of the Attorney General, are the senseless clamors of the thoughtless, and the ignorant, the lowest of the rabble. The Chap. XLII.} 1770. Jan. Westminster petition was obtained b
s. A representative assembly, to which none but Protestants could be chosen, would have subjected almost the whole body of resident inhabitants to an oligarchy, hateful by their race and religion; their supremacy as conquerors, and their selfishness. The Quebec act authorized the crown to confer posts of honor and of business upon Catholics; Chap. XIV.} 1774. Oct. and they chose rather to depend on the clemency of the king, than to have an exclusively Protestant parliament, like that of Ireland. This limited political toleration left no room for the sentiment of patriotism. The French Canadians of that day could not persuade themselves that they had a country. They would have desired an assembly, to which they should be eligible; but since that was not to be obtained, they accepted their partial enfranchisement by the king, as a boon to a conquered people. The owners of estates were further gratified by the restoration of the French system of law. The English emigrants might
to allay discontent by concessions in favor of her commerce and manufactures. The consent of the Irish house of commons was requested to sending four thousand of the troops on the Irish establishment to America, and receiving in their stead four thousand German Protestants. If we give our consent, objected Ponsonby, in the debate on the twenty fifth of November, we shall take part against America, contrary to justice, to prudence, and to humanity. The war is unjust, said Fitzgibbons, and Ireland has no reason to be a party therein. Sir Edward Newenham could not agree to send more Chap. LI.} 1775. Nov. troops to butcher men who were fighting for their liberty; and he reprobated the introduction of foreign mercenaries as equally militating against true reason and sound policy. If men must be sent to America, cried George Ogle, send there foreign mercenaries, not the brave sons of Ireland. Hussey Burg condemned the American war as a violation of the law of nations, the law of the
on. The oscillation of the funds did not exceed one per cent. But opinion more and more condemned the war of England with her children, denied to parliament the right of taxing unrepresented colonies, and prepared to accept the necessity of recognising their independence. In the commons, Lord John Cavendish, true to the idea of Chatham, moved for orders to withdraw the British forces employed in America; to the lords, the Duke of Richmond proposed a total change of measures in America and Ireland; and both were supported by increasing numbers. The great landowners were grown sick of taxing America. Lord North was frequently dropping hints to the king, that Chap. XI.} 1779. the advantage to be gained by continuing the contest would never repay the expenses; and the king, though unrelenting in his purpose of reducing the colonies to obedience, owned that the man who should approve the taxing of them in connection with all its consequences was more fit for a madhouse than for a sea
of the king. Taking advantage of its eminently loyal disposition, Lord North obtained its leave to employ four thousand men of the Irish army for service in America. That army should, by law, have consisted of twelve thousand men; but it mustered scarcely more than nine thousand. Out of these, the strongest and best, without regard to the prescribed limitation of numbers, were selected; and eight regiments, all that could be formed, were shipped across the Chap. XXI.} 1781. Atlantic. Ireland itself being left defenceless, its parliament offered the national remedy of a militia. This was refused by Lord North, and inconsequence, instead of a militia organized and controlled by the government, self-formed bands of volunteers started into being. After reflection, the militia bill was sent over for enactment: but the opportunity had been missed; the Irish parliament had learned to prefer volunteer corps supported by the Irish themselves. When, in 1778, it appeared how much the c
f, the viceroy reported that, unless it was determined that the knot which bound the two countries should be severed for ever, the points required by the Irish parliament must be conceded. Froude's Ireland, II. 337. Fox would rather have seen Ireland totally separated than kept in obedience by force. Eden, one of Lord North's commissioners in America in 1778, and lately his secretary for Ireland, was the first in a moment of ill-humor to propose the repeal of the act of George the First, whf Ireland; and after reflection the ministry of Rockingham adopted and carried the measure. Appeals from the courts of law in Ireland to the British house of peers were abolished; the restraint on independent legislation was done away with; and Ireland, owning allegiance to the same king as Great Britain, obtained the indepb n=549> pendence of its own parliament. These were the Chap. XXVII.} 1782. first-fruits of the American revolution. The Irish owed the vindication of their rights to the
Mr. Cox. The artist. In a late Centinel, a paragraph, extracted from a Dublin paper. gave some account of Mr. Cox, the celebrated bridge architect, having been tried in a judicial Court, in that city, on a charge of inticing artizans to quit Ireland. We are happy, by being in possession of letters from the son of that gentleman (Wm. Cox) now in Europe, to give some explanatory intelligence on the subject and present the following Extract of a letter dated Liverpool, May 29:— As bad news always flies fast, I suppose you may have heard, that my father was taken up and obliged to give bail in £ 2000 to stand trial for (as was said) having seduced artificers. It was not the case, but as follows:—Three tradesmen came to him and asked how their business would answer in America. He very candidly told them. They wished him to advance them money to take them over but he told them it was of no service to him their going over, but if it was and he should do it he would be liable
he newspaper of the period. My interest, primarily, in the subject of this sketch, was aroused from the credit given him as builder of Charlestown Bridge. I was, therefore, somewhat surprised when former Mayor Rantoul of Salem stated before the Essex Institute, of which he was the president, in an article on the Essex Bridge at its centennial, that the builders made terms with Lemuel Cox, an eminent English engineer, to build the bridge. A few years later I read on Waterford Bridge, in Ireland, that it was built by Mr. Lemuel Cox, a native of Boston, in America, Architect; and visiting at the same time Wexford, New Ross, and Londonderry, I learned of his work there. In recent years, in investigating, I found that he was not only with a claim for fame for his work in bridge building, but also for inventions, among them for his introduction of textile machinery, previous to the arrival of Samuel Slater, to whom the credit has been accorded in the histories of textile industries.