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1862 AD (search for this): chapter 3
y 10,888 square miles were devoted to the cotton culture in that year. On those 10,888 square miles, 4,675,710 bales of cotton, weighing 400 pounds each, were raised in 1859-60. Of this amount Great Britain took 2,019,252 bales, or more than one-third of the. entire crop; France took 450,696 bales, and the States north of the Potomac took 760,218 bales. The accompanying map is a reduced copy of a i)art of one, prefixed to a Report to the Boston Board of Trade on the Cotton Manufacture of 1862, by Edward Atkinson. The solid black lines inclose the principal cotton regions in the ten States alluded to. The limit of cotton culture in 1860 is indicated by a dotted line, thus . . . . The isothermal line of wean summer temperature is shown by dotted lines, thus--------- It was the continual boast of the politicians in the Cotton-producing States, that the money value of their staple was greater than that of all the other agricultural productions of the whole country. This assertion
1793 AD (search for this): chapter 3
itive, with the State's Attorney as counsel; and also that any person coming into the State a slave, shall be forever free. This was a nullification of the Fugitive Slave Law. The law in Massachusetts provided for trials by jury of alleged fugitive slaves, who might have the services of any attorney. It forbade the issuing of any process, under the Fugitive Slave Law, by any legal officer in the State, or to do any official act in furtherance of the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1793, or that of 1850. It forbade the use of any prisons in the State for the same purpose. All public officers were forbidden to arrest, or assist in arresting, any alleged fugitive slave. And no officer of the State, acting as United States commissioner, was allowed to issue any warrant, excepting for the summoning of witnesses, nor allowed to hear and try any cause under the Fugitive Slave Law. This was a virtual nullification of the Fugitive Slave Law. The law in Connecticut was made onl
March 4th (search for this): chapter 3
ticians in keeping bound in triple chains the fierce dogs of war. Senator Iverson, a man over sixty years of age, and a member of the Military Committee of the Senate, startled that body by his boldness in seditious speech. He admitted that a State had no constitutional right to secede, but he claimed for all the right of revolution. He then announced that the Slave-labor States intended to revolt. We intend to go out of this Union, he said. I speak what I believe, that, before the 4th of March, five of the Southern States, at least, will have declared their independence. . . . Although there is a clog in the way of the lone-star State of Texas, in the person of her Governor (Houston), who will not consent to call her Legislature together, and give the people of that State an opportunity to act, yet the public sentiment there is so decided in favor of this movement, that even the Governor will be overridden; and if he does not yield to public sentiment, some Texan Brutus Alfre
December 14th (search for this): chapter 3
before, as we have observed on page 44, Howell Cobb left the office of Secretary of the Treasury, because his duty to Georgia required it, and was succeeded by Philip F. Thomas, of Maryland. Cobb's letter of resignation was dated the 8th, but he did not leave office until the 10th. The President, too, conscious of his own impotence — conscious that the Goverment was in the hands of its enemies — and despairing of the salvation of the Union by human agency, issued a Proclamation on the 14th of December, recommending the observance of the 4th day of January following as a day for humiliation, fasting, and prayer, throughout the Republic. The Union of the States, he said, is at the present moment threatened with alarming and immediate danger; panic and distress, of a fearful character, prevail throughout the land; our laboring population are without employment, and, consequently, deprived of the means of earning their bread; indeed, hope seems to have deserted the minds of men. All cla
December 12th (search for this): chapter 3
m pestilence, famine, and desolation. Peaceable secession is not to be thought of. Even if it should take place in three months, we would have a bloody war on our hands. The patriotic Cass was powerless. Fully convinced by recent developments that the Cabinet was filled with traitors, bent upon the destruction of Seal of the State Department. the Republic, and utterly unable, with his single hand and voice, to restrain or persuade them, he resigned the seals of his office on the 12th of December, and retired to private life. He was succeeded by Jeremiah S. Black, Buchanan's Attorney-General. Two days before, as we have observed on page 44, Howell Cobb left the office of Secretary of the Treasury, because his duty to Georgia required it, and was succeeded by Philip F. Thomas, of Maryland. Cobb's letter of resignation was dated the 8th, but he did not leave office until the 10th. The President, too, conscious of his own impotence — conscious that the Goverment was in the hand
1851 AD (search for this): chapter 3
olina, said Robert Barnwell Rhett (the most malignant and unscrupulous of the conspirators in that State), in the Secession Convention, is not an event of a day. It is not any thing produced by Mr. Lincoln's election, or by the non-execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. It is a matter which has been gathering head for thirty years. . . . In regard to the Fugitive Slave Law, I myself doubted its constitutionality, and doubted it on the floor of the Senate, when I was a member of that body. 1850-1851. The States, acting in their sovereign capacity, Lawrence M Keitt. should be responsible for the rendition of fugitive slaves. That was our best security. --It is no spasmodic effort, said Francis S. Parker, another member of the Convention, that has come suddenly upon us; it has been gradually culminating for a long period of thirty years. --As my friend (Mr. Parker) has said, spoke John A. Inglis, another member of the Convention, most of us have had this matter under consideration for t
1856 AD (search for this): chapter 3
security. --It is no spasmodic effort, said Francis S. Parker, another member of the Convention, that has come suddenly upon us; it has been gradually culminating for a long period of thirty years. --As my friend (Mr. Parker) has said, spoke John A. Inglis, another member of the Convention, most of us have had this matter under consideration for the last twenty years. And Lawrence M. Keitt, the supporter of Preston S. Brooks, when he brutally assailed Senator Sumner in the Senate Chamber, in 1856, who was also a member of the Secession Convention, said:--I have been engaged in this movement ever since I entered political life. Let us return to the Message. Having informed the conspirators that they had many grievances, and that, under certain contingencies, the people of the Slave-labor States might be justified in rebellion, the President proceeded to consider the right of secession and the relative powers of the National Government. This was the topic to which the attention of
July, 1859 AD (search for this): chapter 3
lved already the question of Emancipation, by this re-examination and exposition of the false theories of religion, philanthropy, and political economy, which embarrassed the fathers in their day. . , . At the North, and in Europe, they cried havoc, and let loose upon us all the dogs of war. And how stands it now? Why, in this very quarter of a century, our slaves have doubled in numbers, and each slave has More than doubled in value. --Speech at Barnwell Court House, Oct. 27, 1858. In July 1859, Alexander H. Stephens, in a speech in Georgia, said he was not one of those who believed that the South had sustained any injury by those agitations. So far, he said, from the institution of African Slavery in our section being weakened or rendered less secure by the discussion, my deliberate judgment is, that it has been greatly strengthened and fortified. Senator R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, said, in 1860:--In many respects, the results of that discussion have not been adverse to u
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