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ed to convert the sinners so approached. If missionaries thus approach the heathen, their rate of progress is accounted for. This was not the frame of mind wherewith to convert opinion, but was the frame of mind wherewith to persecute opinion. Clay's plaintive reply. There is something almost plaintive in the reply of Henry Clay to Mr. Mendenhall. It was as meek as an imperious spirit knew how to be. Without any knowledge of the relations in which I stand to my slaves or their individualHenry Clay to Mr. Mendenhall. It was as meek as an imperious spirit knew how to be. Without any knowledge of the relations in which I stand to my slaves or their individual condition, you, Mr. Mendenhall, and your associates, who have been active in getting up this petition, call upon me forthwith to liberate the whole of them. Now, let me tell you that some half dozen of them from age decrepitude, or infirmity are wholly unable to gain a livelihood for themselves and are a heavy charge upon me. Do you think that I should conform to the dictates of humanity by ridding myself of that charge and sending them forth into the world with the boon of liberty to end a wr
ry of the passage from slavery to freedom of the villainage of England. The reasons of geography and worldly gain, which created such divergence of destiny North and South, are given by Judge McLean in his dissenting opinion in the Dred Scott case. Many of the States on the adoption of the Constitution, or shortly afterwards, took measures to abolish slavery within their respective jurisdictions, and it is a well-known fact that a belief was cherished by the leading men South, as well as North, that the institution of slavery would gradually decline until it would become extinct. The increased value of slave labor in the culture of cotton and sugar prevented the realization of their expectations. Like all other communities and States, the South were influenced by what they considered their own interests. The peculiarity of the situation was that while the people of the South were acting like all other communities and States, they were abused and accused as though none other had
John A. McLean (search for this): chapter 1.19
ral death of slavery is the unprofitableness of its most expensive labor. * * The moment the labor of the slave ceases to be profitable to the master—or very soon after it has reached that stage—if the slave will not run away from the master the master will run away from the slave; and this is the history of the passage from slavery to freedom of the villainage of England. The reasons of geography and worldly gain, which created such divergence of destiny North and South, are given by Judge McLean in his dissenting opinion in the Dred Scott case. Many of the States on the adoption of the Constitution, or shortly afterwards, took measures to abolish slavery within their respective jurisdictions, and it is a well-known fact that a belief was cherished by the leading men South, as well as North, that the institution of slavery would gradually decline until it would become extinct. The increased value of slave labor in the culture of cotton and sugar prevented the realization of thei
ceptre began to waver. In 1713 the twelve judges of England, headed by Chief-Justice Holt, replied to the crown: In pursuance of his Majesty's order in council, hereunto annexed, we do humbly certify your opinion to be that negroes are merchandise. During the whole of the eighteenth century England reserved to herself by the treaty of Utrecht the monopoly of importing negroes to all the Spanish colonies—that is to say, to nearly all South America. The fact is noted by the annotator of Talleyrand's Memoirs that when the English colonies had a proportion of twenty blacks to one white it occurred to them to be indignant at the immorality of the traffic. The declaration that the slave-trade was repugnant to universal morals was signed by the European powers for the first time at the Congress of Vienna, and not then by Portugal or Spain. Slavery forced upon Virginia. But—such is the irony of fate!—there was one country of the world, and that a purely agricultural dominion, which<
which seeks to instill its blessings at the point of the sword. The distinction between freedom and despotism grows so alarmingly indistinct. No better proof could be given of the extent to which the movement, vainly resisted by the South, has revolutionized free institutions, than that such a compulsory freedom should have been the serious thought and purposed order of the day. What is all the noise in the street? said a gentleman in conscription time in New York. Oh, nothing, sir, said Pat, they are only forcing a man to turn volunteer. Such would be the comedy of the new logic if its serious adoption does not turn it into tragedy. Nevertheless in the same year in which Virginia emancipation was receiving such cold comfort in Ohio, on all other questions—financial, economic, and constructive — the mind of Thomas Jefferson had become the governing mind of the country. The principle of justice to all and special privileges to none became in this year the unmistakable choice
Andrew Jackson (search for this): chapter 1.19
ilence of the laws by the arms of the United States. Not until the compact of the Constitution was shattered beyond the reach of surgery by the summons of the North to armed war against the South did Virginia declare that an order of things outside the Constitution was no compact for her. To overthrow every Southern Commonwealth. That union of the purse and the sword which was the theme of such impassioned declamation at the North, when the object was to divide the South against Andrew Jackson, was welcomed with avidity, when the object was not the protection of a bank, but only the overthrow of every Commonwealth of the South. It was elsewhere than in Virginia that the value of the Union had heretofore been computed. It was with the secession of New England that Hamilton threatened Jefferson, unless the debts of the States were assumed by the general government. The purchase and admission of Louisiana were held to justify the secession of New England, and for the very re
after it was unveiled. Exercises at the Theatre. Dr. Dame's Prayer—Mr. White presents the orator. The exercises J. Blythe Moore, president of the Howitzer Association, Rev. Dr. Dame, who offered the prayer; Mr. W. L. White, who introducef the veteran Howitzers was borne by Mr. Thomas Booker, Rev. Dr. Dame holding the right and Mr. James T. Gray the left cord. he music was furnished by the Howitzer Band. Prayer by Dr. Dame. Mr. J. Blythe Moore called the assemblage to order ane exercises with prayer. Before commencing his prayer, Dr. Dame requested the audience to join with him in reciting the Aad not been revealed. For these he asked forgiveness. Dr. Dame then referred to his comrades who had survived the great d fallen and were now degraded. In concluding his prayer Dr. Dame asked God to continue to show us the way of righteousnessry just and noble cause. The audience then united with Dr. Dame in repeating the Lord's Prayer. This was deeply impressi
Victoria Lcla (search for this): chapter 1.19
e (bearing the inscription: To Commemorate the Deeds and Services of the Richmond Howitzers of the Period 1861-1865), triglyph course, and cap, and is elevated on a mound about three feet high. The whole structure is nine and one-half feet in height, and, including the statue, seventeen and a half feet. On either side of the die there is a bronze medallion eighteen inches in diameter. One reproduces on an enlarged scale the Howitzer badge, with cross cannon and the motto: Cila Mors Aut Victoria Lcla,Zzz 1859. The other bears the cross, saltire, of a Confederate battle-flag, and is encircled by the legend: From Bethel to Appomattox. These medallions were modelled entired by Mr. William L. Sheppard, formerly an officer in the Second company of Richmond Howitzers, and who is well known in the artistic world particularly as an illustrator of books. He also designed and made the drawings for the pedestal. The eight foot bronze is a reproduction by Buberl, a New York sculptor, who
rs. The importation of slaves into the South was continued by Northern merchants and Northern ships until it was prohibited by the spontaneous action of the Southern States themselves, which preceded, or was contemporaneous with, the legislation of Congress in 1807. Antecedent to the adoption of the Constitution, South Carolina passed an act prohibiting, under severe penalties, the importation of negroes from Africa. In 1803 this act was repealed for the reason, assigned in Congress by Mr. Lowndes, that it was impossible, without aid from the general government, to prevent our Eastern brethren from introducing them into the country. Had we received, he said, the necessary aid from Congress, the repeal would never, in my opinion, have taken place. * * I wish the time had arrived when Congress could legislate conclusively on the subject. Favored as long as profitable. I fail to find the evidence that property in man was an obnoxious doctrine at the North until property in ma
g the inscription: To Commemorate the Deeds and Services of the Richmond Howitzers of the Period 1861-1865), triglyph course, and cap, and is elevated on a mound about three feet high. The whole structure is nine and one-half feet in height, and, including the statue, seventeen and a half feet. On either side of the die there is a bronze medallion eighteen inches in diameter. One reproduces on an enlarged scale the Howitzer badge, with cross cannon and the motto: Cila Mors Aut Victoria Lcla,Zzz 1859. The other bears the cross, saltire, of a Confederate battle-flag, and is encircled by the legend: From Bethel to Appomattox. These medallions were modelled entired by Mr. William L. Sheppard, formerly an officer in the Second company of Richmond Howitzers, and who is well known in the artistic world particularly as an illustrator of books. He also designed and made the drawings for the pedestal. The eight foot bronze is a reproduction by Buberl, a New York sculptor, who modelled
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