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cendiary, a seditious firebrand, and a leveller. I am almost tempted, confessed the unpopular Hutchinson, to take for my motto Odi profantum vulgus, hatred to the people. I will write the history of my own times, like Bishop Burnet, and paint characters as freely; it shall not be published while I live, but I will be revenged on some of the rascals after I am dead; and he pleaded fervently that Bernard should reserve his favor exclusively for the friends to government. I do not say, cried Mayhew from the pulpit, on the annual Thanksgiving day, I do not say our invaluable rights have been struck at; but if they have, they are not chap. XIX.} 1762. wrested from us; and may righteous Heaven blast the designs, though not the soul, of that man, whoever he be amongst us, that shall have the hardiness to attack them. Thomas Hollis, a wealthy Englishman, a lover of humanity, a devoted friend to America, sent word to Boston to build no hopes upon the king, and already foresaw the approach
gent for South Carolina; and specimens of the Correspondence of Knox and Franklin, as Agents of Georgia. Analogous to these are the confidential communications which passed between Hutchinson and Israel Mauduit and Thomas Whately; between one of the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania and Deputy Governor Hamilton; between Cecil Calvert and Hugh Hammersley, successive Secretaries of Maryland, and Lieutenant Governor Sharpe; between Ex-Governor Pownall and Dr. Cooper of Boston; between Hollis and Mayhew and Andrew Eliot of Boston. Of all these I have copies. Of the letter-books and drafts of letters of men in office, I had access to those of Bernard for a single year; to those of Hutchinson for many years; to that of Dr. Johnson, the patriarch of the American Episcopal Church, with Archbishop Secker; to those of Colden; to those of Lieutenant Governor Sharpe. Many letters of their correspondents also fell within my reach. For the affairs of the Colonies I have consulted their own Ar
election duly made, though disagreeable to the Chair, does not deserve to be called a formal attack upon Government, or an oppugnation of the King's authority. Mayhew, of Boston, mused anxiously over the danger, which was now clearly revealed, till, in the morning watches of the next Lord's Day, light dawned upon his excited mielves? A good foundation for this has been laid by the Congress at New-York; never losing sight of it may be the only neans of perpetuating our liberties. Jonathan Mayhew to James Otis, Lord's Day Morning, 8 June, 1766. See Bradford's Life of Mayhew, 428, 429. The patriot uttered this great word of counsel on the morning of hiMayhew, 428, 429. The patriot uttered this great word of counsel on the morning of his last day of health in Boston. From his youth he had consecrated himself to the service of colonial freedom in the State and Church; he died, overtasked, in the unblemished beauty of manhood, consumed by his fiery zeal, foreseeing independence. Compare Thomas Hollis to Andrew Eliot, 1 July, 1768. His character was so deeply i
rson or church had power over another church. There was not a Roman Catholic altar in the place; the usages of papists were looked upon as worn-out superstitions, fit only for the ignorant. But the people were not merely the fiercest enemies of popery and slavery; they were Protestants even against Protestantism; and though the English church was tolerated, Boston kept up its exasperation against prelacy. Its Ministers were still its prophets and its guides; its pulpit, in which, now that Mayhew was no more, Cooper was admired above all others for eloquence and patriotism, by weekly appeals inflamed alike the fervor of piety and of liberty. In the Boston Gazette, it enjoyed a free Press, which gave currency to its conclusions on the natural right of man Chap. XXXVIII} 1768. Dec. to self-government. Its citizens were inquisitive; seeking to know the causes of things, and to search for the reason of existing institutions in the laws of nature. Yet they controlled their speculat
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