Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Texas (Texas, United States) or search for Texas (Texas, United States) in all documents.

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usly or querulously demanded at the North, throughout the long struggle preceding that bombardment, by men who should have seen, but would not, that Slavery never let the North alone, nor thought of so doing. Buy Louisiana for us! said the slaveholders. With pleasure. Now Florida! Certainly. Next: Violate your treaties with the Creeks and Cherokees; expel those tribes from the lands they have held from time immemorial, so as to let us expand our plantations. So said, so done. Now for Texas! You have it. Next, a third more of Mexico! Yours it is. Now, break the Missouri Compact, and let Slavery wrestle with Free Labor for the vast region consecrated by that Compact to Freedom! Very good. What next? Buy us Cuba, for One Hundred to One Hundred and Fifty Millions. We have tried; but Spain refuses to sell it. Then wrest it from her at all hazards! And all this time, while Slavery was using the Union as her catspaw — dragging the Republic into iniquitous wars and enormous
New York [Mr. Seward] expressed it, in one of his speeches. But a Senator from Texas told me the other day that a great many of these free debaters were hanging from the trees of that country [Texas]. I have no doubt they would run off a great many slaves from the Border States, so as to make them Free States; and then, Sir, whwer to do it. Messrs. Albert G. Brown, of Mississippi, Louis T. Wigfall, of Texas, and Alfred Iverson, of Georgia, spoke in a similar strain, but even more plainisiana will follow. And, though there is a clog in the way in the lone star of Texas, in the person of her Governor, who will not consent to call the Legislature, yCreek and Cherokee Indians; he had struggled manfully against the annexation of Texas. True, he had not openly condemned and resisted the repudiation of the Missourerson, of Georgia, Benjamin and Slidell, of Louisiana, Hemphill and Wigfall, of Texas, and R. W. Johnson, of Arkansas--who had voted just before against taking up th
r fathers. Let the entire South to the border, including Kentucky, Maryland, Virginia, and Missouri, take a bold, dignified, and patriotic position, and demand as a right that which the North-redeemed from the curse of Abolitionism — will have the magnanimity and patriotism to yield. What the South and its friends really required of the North was partnership, cooperation, complicity, in the work of extending, diffusing, and fortifying Slavery, such as it had secured in the annexation of Texas. That Slavery was a great National interest — the broad and solid base of our industrial economy and commercial prosperity — the slaves confined, indeed, to one section of the Union, because there most profitably employed, but laboring for the benefit of Northern See Judge Woodward's speech, page 364. manufacturers and merchants as much as for that of Southern planters and factors — that we must all watch and work to give that interest wider scope by the conquest of more territory, and
ed over his entire army, with all The following is a list of the property given up to the State of Texas by Gen. Twiggs: 1,800 mules, valued at $50 each$90,000 500 wagons, valued at 140 each70,al Government has a title. Much of the property is estimated at the original cost, its value in Texas being much greater, and worth to the state at least a million and a half of dollars.--San Antonims, munitions, horses, equipments, etc., to Gen. Ben. McCulloch, representing the authorities of Texas, now fully launched upon the rushing tide of treason. The Union lost by that single act at least half its military force, with the State of Texas, and the control of our Mexican frontier; while two millions of dollars could hardly have replaced, in that crisis, the property thus filched from thsed to secede]; and, on the 16th of February, Gen. Twiggs had transferred the public property in Texas to the State authorities. All of these events had been accomplished without bloodshed. Aboliti
ry of State; Charles G. Memminger, of South Carolina, Secretary of the Treasury; Leroy Pope Walker, of Alabama, Secretary of War; to which were afterward added Stephen R. Mallory, of Florida, Sec'ry of the Navy; John H. Reagan, of Texas, Postmaster-General. Thus the two Governments stood face to face, holding positions and maintaining assumptions so palpably, utterly incompatible as to necessitate an early collision; and that collision must, in the nature of things, produc Clingman, Mr. Clingman offered the following resolution: Resolved, That, in the opinion of the Senate, it is expedient that the President withdraw all Federal troops from the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Texas, and Louisiana, and abstain from all attempts to collect revenue in these States. of North Carolina, Bayard, of Delaware, and Breckinridge, Mr. Breckinridge finally offered the following resolution; action on which — together with that of Mr.
o compel obedience to the laws? Now, the War Department had, for nearly eight years prior to the last few weeks, been directed successively by Jefferson Davis and John B. Floyd. The better portion of our little army had been ordered by Floyd to Texas, and there put under the command of Gen. Twiggs, by whom it had already been betrayed into the hands of his fellow-traitors. The arms of the Union had been sedulously transferred by Floyd from the Northern to the Southern arsenals. The most effnfederacy had established its independence beyond dispute, and was about to conquer and lay waste the degenerate, cowardly North. The credit of putting an end to this most unequal contest is due to Louis T. Wigfall, late a Senator from the State of Texas, now styling himself a Confederate Brigadier. Wigfall — a Carolinian by birth, a Nullifier by training, and a duelist by vocation — had the faults and virtues of his caste; and one of the latter is a repugnance to witnessing a conflict betwe
weighed heavily on the planting The following private letter from a South Carolina planter to an old friend settled in Texas, gives a fair idea of the situation: Abbeville C. H. S. C., Jan. 24, 1861. dear Sir:--I desire you to procure fosion in every way, we have not yet got a fight, and the prospect is very distant. I want the Almanac to see what part of Texas may suit me. I want to raise cotton principally, but must raise corn enough to do me. I cannot live here, and must get awthe execution thereof obstructed, in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested inrson in Fort Sumter says: Anticipating, then, the speedy inauguration of civil war at Charleston, at Pensacola, or in Texas, or, perhaps, at all these places, the inquiry is forced upon us, What will be the probable consequences? We apprehend t
lance of an election. If you vote the Union ticket, you must prepare to leave the State, said Senator Mason; and the more reckless and less responsible Secessionists readily translated such words into deeds. Where Slavery had undivided sway, a voter had just the same liberty to be a Unionist as he had to be an Abolitionist — that is, none at all. But there were many communities, and even entire counties, throughout the South, wherein Slavery had but a nominal or limited existence; as in Texas, thirty-four counties — some of them having each a considerable free population — were returned, in 1860, as containing each less than a hundred slaves. Some of these could be, and were, controlled by their managing politicians, holding offices and earning perquisites by the grace of the Slave Power enthroned at the State capital; others were incorrigible, and were managed in this way: In Grayson county (having 8,187 inhabitants, of whom 1,291 were slaves), when Secession was proposed, a co<
it just, either that creditors shall go unpaid, or the remaining States pay the whole? A part of the present National debt was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas. Is it just that she shall leave, and pay no part of this herself? Again: If one State may secede, so may another; and when all shall have seceded, none is lef United States; and, in furtherance of such conspiracy, a portion of the people of the States of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Arkansas, and Texas, have attempted to withdraw those States from the Union, and are now in arms against the Government; And whereas, James M. Mason and Robert M. T. Hunter, Senators P. Nicholson, a Senator from Tennessee; William K. Sebastian and Charles B. Mitchell, Senators from Arkansas; and John Hemphill and Louis T. Wigfall, Senators from Texas, have failed to appear in their seats in the Senate, and to aid the Government in this important crisis; and it is apparent to the Senate that said Senators are en
n to Sarcoxie, some fifteen miles eastward. It was well, indeed, that he did so; for Jackson's force was augmented, during that night and next morning, by the arrival of Price from the southward, bringing to his aid several thousand Arkansas and Texas troops, under Gens. Ben. McCulloch and Pearce. Our loss in the affair of Carthage was 13 killed and 31 wounded--not one of them abandoned to the enemy; while the Rebels reported their loss at 40 to 50 killed and 125 to 150 wounded. Sigel, now ouBeyond doubt, the Rebel army was considerably larger than ours — probably about two to one. It embodied not only the mass of the Missouri Rebels under Gen. Price, as well as those of Arkansas under McCulloch, but a considerable force, also, from Texas, with one regiment from Louisiana. Among its losses were Col. Weightman, commanding a brigade of Missourians, while Gens. Slack and Clark were severely, and Gen. Price slightly wounded. Yet the preponderance of losses was undoubtedly on our sid
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