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Fitzhugh Lee, General Lee, Index. (search)
Gettysburg, 298. Cavalry raids, 266. Cemetery Heights, 292. Cemetery Hill, 273. Cemetery Ridge, 289-296. Cerro Gordo, battle of, 38, 40. Chambliss, General John R., killed, 362. Champe, Sergeant, 9. Chancellorsville, battle of, 241. Chapman, Major, William, 63. Chapultepec, battle of, 41, 42. Charleston Harbor, 86. Charles II, 3, 4. Chase, Salmon P., 268. Chester Gap, 307. Childe, Edward, 19. Childe, Matilda Lee, 19, 60. Chilton, R. H., mentioned, 159. Clay, Henry, mentioned, 32. Clitz, General, Henry, 172. Cobb, General Thomas R., mentioned, 231; killed at Fredericksburg, 233. Cocke, Mrs. Elizabeth R., 402. Coleston's division, 25. Comanches, tribe of, 72. Confederate cavalry, 387. Confederate Congress, 93. Confederate conscription, 350. Confederate currency, 350, 402. Confederate rations, 350, 367, 383, 396. Confederate States, 86, 94. Confederates, large capture of, 335. Cooper, General, Samuel, 59; promoted, 133,
e subjected to personal indignity and outrage. Was this noble man protected? No! He fell into the arms of his brother one day, shot down on the threshold of his own house, by the bullet of a cowardly and fanatical assassin. General Crittenden, with whom I also become acquainted here, was a slaveholder, yet he did not pretend to endorse the system. Another gentleman, Lieutenant-Colonel Pratt, of Missouri, born and bred in North Carolina, was strongly anti-slavery in his views. Henry Clay, that peerless statesman, made the following remarks in a speech before a meeting of the Colonization Society: As a mere laborer, the slave feels that he toils for his master, and not for himself; that the laws do not recognize his capacity to acquire and hold property, which depends altogether upon the pleasure of his proprietor; and that all the fruits of his exertion are reaped by others. He knows that whether sick or well, in times of scarcity or abundance, his master is bound t
Ulysses S. Grant, Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant, Ancestry-birth-boyhood (search)
n excellent English scholar, and before he was twenty years of age was a constant contributor to Western newspapers, and was also, from that time until he was fifty years old, an able debater in the societies for this purpose, which were common in the West at that time. He always took an active part in politics, but was never a candidate for office, except, I believe, that he was the first Mayor of Georgetown. He supported Jackson for the Presidency; but he was a Whig, a great admirer of Henry Clay, and never voted for any other democrat for high office after Jackson. My mother's family lived in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, for several generations. I have little information about her ancestors. Her family took no interest in genealogy, so that my grandfather, who died when I was sixteen years old, knew only back to his grandfather. On the other side, my father took a great interest in the subject, and in his researches, he found that there was an entailed estate in Windso
Ulysses S. Grant, Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant, Resignation-private life-life at Galena-the coming crisis (search)
dvantage of birth over me (he was a citizen by adoption) and carried off the prize. I now withdrew from the copartnership with Boggs, and, in May, 1860, removed to Galena, Illinois, and took a clerkship in my father's store. While a citizen of Missouri, my first opportunity for casting a vote at a Presidential election occurred. I had been in the army from before attaining my majority and had thought but little about politics, although I was a Whig by education and a great admirer of Mr. Clay. But the Whig party had ceased to exist before I had an opportunity of exercising the privilege of casting a ballot; the Know-Nothing party had taken its place, but was on the wane; and the Republican party was in a chaotic state and had not yet received a name. It had no existence in the Slave States except at points on the borders next to Free States. In St. Louis City and County, what afterwards became the Republican party was known as the Free-Soil Democracy, led by the Honorable Fra
Ulysses S. Grant, Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant, The bayous West of the Mississippi-criticisms of the Northern press-running the batteries-loss of the Indianola-disposition of the troops (search)
intervals of a few minutes by the Lafayette with a captured steamer, the Price, lashed to her side, the Louisville, Mound City, Pittsburgh and Carondelet-all of these being naval vessels. Next came the transports-Forest Queen, Silver Wave and Henry Clay, each towing barges loaded with coal to be used as fuel by the naval and transport steamers when below the batteries. The gunboat Tuscumbia brought up the rear. Soon after the start a battery between Vicksburg and Warrenton opened fire acrossring their fire in return at short distances, probably without much effect. They were under fire for more than two hours and every vessel was struck many times, but with little damage to the gunboats. The transports did not fare so well. The Henry Clay was disabled and deserted by her crew. Soon after a shell burst in the cotton packed about the boilers, set the vessel on fire and burned her to the water's edge. The burning mass, however, floated down to Carthage before grounding, as did al
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, Xxii. (search)
ently, his eyebrows gradually contracting. Third reading. Senator R-gave notice of a bill to provide a thermometre for every institution of learning in the State. By this time the attention of the entire house was drawn to the General. Ther — what? he demanded, in a stentorian tone. Thermometre, quietly responded the confident clerk. Thermometer! thermometer! you -fool; don't you know what a thermometer is? thundered the enraged Senator, amid roars of laughter. Speaking once of Henry Clay and Daniel Webster, Mr. Seward remarked, that, as statesmen, they could not well be compared; they were no more alike than a Grecian temple and a Gothic church. I was much interested in an opinion he once expressed of equestrian statues. He said a grand character should never be represented in this form. It was ignoring the divine in human nature to thus link man with an animal, and seemed to him a degradation of true art. Bucephalus, in marble or bronze was well enough by itself. P
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, LXXIX. (search)
lied shrewdness, cunning,--a tricky man; but his was the walk of caution and firmness. In sitting down on a common chair he was no taller than ordinary men. His legs and arms were, abnormally, unnaturally long, and in undue proportion to the balance of his body. It was only when he stood up that he loomed above other men. Mr. Lincoln's head was long and tall from the base of the brain and from the eyebrows. His head ran backwards, his forehead rising as it ran back at a low angle, like Clay's, and, unlike Webster's, almost perpendicular. The size of his hat, measured at the hatter's block, was 7 1/8, his head being, from ear to ear, 6 1/2 inches, and from the front to the back of the brain 8 inches. Thus measured, it was not below the medium size. His forehead was narrow but high; his hair was dark, almost black, and lay floating where his fingers or the winds left it, piled up at random. His cheek-bones were high, sharp, and prominent; his eyebrows heavy and prominent; his j
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, Index. (search)
ry, 136-138, 253. Cannon, Colonel L. B., 115. Cass, General, 271. Chase, 21, 84, 85, 86, 88-90, 180, 218, 223; letter to Stanton, 180. Cheever, Rev. Dr., 147. Chicago Convention, 119. Christian Commission, 161. Clark, Senator, 276. Clay, Henry, 71. Colfax, Hon., Schuyler, 14, 85, 87, 172, 177, 195, 285. Concert, Marine Band, 143, 168. Creech, 68. Creeds, 190. Crittenden, General, 46. Cropsey, 168. Curtin, 82-84. Cushing, Lieutenant, 232. D. Dall, Mrs. C. H., ohn, 78, 179. R. Randall, ex-Governor, (Wis.,) 305. Raymond, 95, 129. Red River disaster, 55. Religious character, 185. Root General, 70. Root Hog Story, 211. S. Scott, General, 34. Seward, Secretary, 22, 69, 223, 242; on Clay and Webster, 71; on Equestrian Statues, 71; on Emancipation, 72; on Mr. Lincoln, 81; Seward and Lincoln, 290; the last interview, 290; first knowledge of the President's death, 291. Seymour, General, 48. Shakspeare, 49, 115, 150, 162. S
ble struggle in which Whigs and Democrats united upon a common platform of patriotism and the Constitution, throwing aside partisan feelings in order to restore peace and harmony to a distracted country. And when I stood beside the death-bed of Mr. Clay, and heard him refer with feelings and emotions of the deepest solicitude to the welfare of the country, and saw that he looked upon the principle embodied in the great Compromise measures of 1550, the principle of the Nebraska bill, the doctrinng as I lived my energies should be devoted to the vindication of that principle, and of his fame as connected with it. I gave the same pledge to the great expounder of the Constitution, he who has been called the god-like Webster. I looked up to Clay and him as a son would to a father, and I call upon the people of Illinois, and the people of the whole Union, to bear testimony, that never since the sod has been laid upon the graves of these eminent statesmen have I failed, on any occasion, to
ies when slavery was first planted within them? It was planted as Mr. Clay once declared, and as history proves true, by individual men in spople of the Colonies the authority to prohibit it for themselves. Mr. Clay says this was one of the great and just causes of complaint againscribed to us a death-bed scene. He had been called to the side of Mr. Clay, in his last moments, in order that the genius of popular sovereigt week. It so happens that in that popular sovereignty with which Mr. Clay was identified, the Missouri Compromise was expressly reserved; and it was a little singular if Mr. Clay cast his mantle upon Judge Douglas on purpose to have that compromise repealed. Again, the Judge did not keep faith with Mr. Clay when he first brought in his Nebraska bill. He left the Missouri Compromise unrepealed, and in his report accong the bill, he told the world he did it on purpose. The manes of Mr. Clay must have been in great agony, till thirty days later, when popula
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