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Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: Volume 2., The battle of South Mountain, or Boonsboro‘ (search)
f the United States Government. That the wounds of defeat and humiliation have been so soon healed has been owing largely to this balm to mortified pride. The sting of shame to Frenchmen is that their magnificent capital was captured by, and their splendid armies were surrendered to, soldiers of an alien race and religion. On the other hand, the civil wars in England have left no bitter memories behind them. Compare this forgetfulness of civil strife in England with the bitterness which Ireland still feels over her subjugation; compare it with the fact that the Roman occupation of England for five hundred years made no impression upon the language of the natives, so little intercourse was there between them and their conquerors; compare it with the fact that for four hundred years after the Norman conquest there was no fusion between the Norman and Saxon tongues. In truth, all history teaches that the humiliation of defeat by a foreign foe is felt for ages, while that of defeat b
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2., Chapter 5: military and naval operations on the coast of South Carolina.--military operations on the line of the Potomac River. (search)
rate army. Stuart opened heavily with his cannon, which at first disconcerted the National troops. The latter were kept steady until Griffin's Battery was placed in position, when its guns soon silenced those of the Virginians, and scattered their cavalry. Then the National troops, having accomplished their object, returned to their post near the Chain Bridge in perfect order and excellent spirits, with a loss of two killed and ten wounded. Reports of Lieutenant-Colonel Shaler and Adjutant Ireland, and dispatch of General McClellan, all dated September 11th, 1861. General McClellan joined the column at the close of the affair. Colonel Stuart (Confederate) gave a glowing account of the confusion into which the Nationals were thrown by his first attack, and gave the affair the aspect of a great victory for himself. He reported fearful havoc in the ranks of the enemy. Our loss, he said, was not a scratch to man or horse. --Stuart's Report, Sept. 11, 1861. Stuart appears to hav
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2., Chapter 6: the Army of the Potomac.--the Trent affair.--capture of Roanoke Island. (search)
n traveler, the eloquent young O'Donoughue, The O'Donoughue, as he was called, was of one of the most ancient families in Ireland. He was less. than thirty years of age at that time, of great beauty in form and feature, polished in manners, eloquent in speech, of proven courage, and a man of the people in his instincts. In the great Rotunda in Dublin, this man boldly declared to an audience of 5,000 persons, after the reception of the news of the Trent affair, that if war should come, Ireland would be found on the side of America. This declaration was received with the most vehement applause. and others less conspicuous; while Lord Brougham, who for sixty years was an opponent of slavery, and was known to be thoroughly conversant with the structure of our Government, and an admirer of its practical workings, following the lead of the spirit of his class, took sides with the slaveholders, and said most unkind words. Kinglake, the eminent author and member of Parliament, announce
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Mr. Mitchel's Desires. (search)
r of Cuvier was found to be. For of all the erratic men of a race notoriously erratic, Patriot Mitchel has turned the most bewildering flip-flaps. As a political artist, he may be said, like some celebrated painters, to have changed his manner: and his last manner is precisely the opposite of his first. The denouncer of English tyranny; the champion of Irish liberty; the persecuted for freedom's sake; the man who nearly thrust his neck into a hempen cravat in his eagerness to emancipate Ireland; this man is about to start a newspaper somewhere at the South, solely devoted to apologies for oppression, to vindications of absolutism, to eulogiums of Slavery. New light has broken upon the soul of John. He has been permitted, by a benignant Providence, to behold the errors of his early career, and to recognize the exceeding beauty of broad plantations well-stocked with broad-backed niggers. Since his conversion, John has grown in Pro-Slavery grace with a rapidity really marvelous.
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The Constitution — not Conquest. (search)
endence, but it by no means follows, that they are entitled to it. We shall show, before we conclude, that they are not; but here we would merely suggest, that if Ireland should at present break into open revolt, why then Ireland would be fighting for independence. Would the charming features of Lord Brougham beam benevolently upoIreland would be fighting for independence. Would the charming features of Lord Brougham beam benevolently upon such an enterprise? Would he be found in his place in Parliament making soft speeches in behalf of a Provisional Government established in Dublin, and voting against all bills for putting down an Irish insurrection? And yet Ireland is no more an integral part of the British Empire than South Carolina is an integral part of the Ireland is no more an integral part of the British Empire than South Carolina is an integral part of the American Union. Nay, if we. look at the matter, and institute a somewhat closer comparison, we find that the connection of Ireland with the English throne, originating in one of those conquests which Lord Brougham so much deprecates, and since sustained by cruelties which no honest writer can extenuate, does afford a ground for re
6 Fillmore, Millard116 Floyd, John B162 Fortescue on Slavery303 Free States, Southern Opinion of316 Freedmen, Probable Vices of362 Franklin on British Policy366 Fast Day, Mr. Davis's377 Gregory, M. P.163 Greenville, Lord, on Emancipation329 Goethe on the Future of America808 Greatness, Historical856 Hamilton, Alexander, on the Union297 Hawks, Dr., his Twelve Questions305 Independence, Declaration of139 Independence, Southern Association for265 Ireland, The Case of294 Johnson, Reverdy42 Johnson, Dr., his Favorite Toast329 Lord, President3, 319 Lawrence, Abbot25 Ludovico, Father54 Lincoln, Abraham181, 384 Letcher, Governor340 Mason, John Y13, 24 Mitchel, John20, 50 Matthews, of Virginia, on Education92 Montgomery, The Muddle at181 Morse, Samuel and Sidney186 Meredith, J. W., his Private Battery141 McMahon, T. W., his Pamphlet214 Monroe, Mayor, of New Orleans234 Malcolm, Dr., on Slavery248
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War., Chapter 45: the cruise of the Sumter and the havoc she committed. (search)
restrictions placed upon the Sumter were that she should not make Gibraltar a station from which to sally out for war purposes, and should not receive on board any contraband of war. That is, she could purchase all the coal needed to enable her to commit depredations upon United States commerce, but could not replace what few blank cartridges had been expended in bringing vessels to, and the shells with which she had made a target of her prizes. What would Great Britain have thought had Ireland thrown off her allegiance, and sent out vessels to destroy British commerce, if these vessels had been received in New York, and the authorities had allowed them to refit and repair and sent them on their way. When Washington was President, and Genet Minister from France to the United States, certain French privateers put into Philadelphia, and an attempt was made to refit them so that they might commit depredations on British commerce. The President issued an order prohibiting this, and o
Matthew Arnold, Civilization in the United States: First and Last Impressions of America., III: a word more about America. (search)
anti-nature; that is the word which rises irresistibly in the mind as I survey Ireland. Everything is unnatural there: the proceedings of the English who rule, the our English institutions there that I am now concerned. It is unnatural that Ireland should be governed by Lord Spencer and Mr. Campbell Bannerman; as unnatural ascotland to be governed by Lord Cranbrook and Mr. Heally. It is Unnatural that Ireland should be governed under the Crimes Act. But there is necessity, replies the Grevelyan was thus telling the Irish members simply that he was just that which Ireland does not want, and which can do her no good. England, to be sure, has given IIreland plenty of her worst, but she has also given her not scantily of her best. Ireland has had no insufficient supply of the English gentleman, with his honesty, Ireland has had no insufficient supply of the English gentleman, with his honesty, personal courage, high bearing, good intentions, and limited vision; what she wants is statesmen with just the qualities which the typical English gentleman has not
and of want of gallantry against the officers, are as plentiful as blackberries in Autumn; and to make the draught still more bitter, we are reminded of the inherent vices of democracy, and of the usually vaporing character of the Americans. Such charges, at such a moment, exhibit, we cannot help saying, singular bad taste. It is not conduct which the Americans pursued to us in our days of adversity — and that we have had to struggle against misfortunes, it would be useless to deny. When Ireland was stricken with famine, America, in the spirit of the good Samaritan, rushed to her assistance in a way that ought not to be forgotten. When it was believed, in the early days of the Second Empire, that Louis Napoleon had inimical designs against us, a loud and almost simultaneous cry of aid came from the Western shores of the Atlantic. But, apart from these considerations, there are no people in the world to whom we are united by so many and such close ties — no people on the earth in
New Hampshire was largely settled by the cadets of good Episcopalian families, and loyalty to the royal government was so substantially maintained therein that when, under Charles II., the monarchy was restored, while Puritan Massachusetts shielded Goff and Whalley, the regicides, none of the attainted or proclaimed thought of taking refuge in New Hampshire. A most remarkable accession to its population, and one which has had the best influence upon the character of its people, came from Ireland. It was a colony of Scotch Presbyterians which had settled in the Province of Ulster in the reign of James I. They had borne the brunt of the siege of Londonderry; they had been the right hand of King William in the battle of Boyne Water; and, being oppressed by their Catholic neighbors after James had been routed from Ireland, they emigrated to New Hampshire. They established themselves in the centre and northern parts of the province, naming their new settlements after their Irish homes