ery means of pacification, while their commissioners at Washington awaited the pleasure of the Federal Government, and were amused by the perfidious assurances of Seward that Sumter would be evacuated at the very time when the Government was fitting out an expedition to reinforce it — and that the cry against the South for firing
It seems to us, also, that Mr. Davis successfully refutes the assumption that the South was the aggressor in the conflict which ensued.
It is hard to see how Mr. Seward can be freed from the charge of flagrant bad faith in his dealings with the Confederate Commissioners sent to Washington for the purpose of negotiating an amicaf hostility was not the attack on Fort Sumter by General Beauregard, but the attempt to reinforce that post made in violation of the pledges repeatedly given by Mr. Seward to the Commissioners.
We think no candid person can fail to be convinced by the simple documentary testimony brought forward by Mr. Davis that the seceding Sta
Quincy, Pres., Josiah, 29, 43, 157.
Read, Gen., Meredith, 132.
Richter, J. P. F., 85, 116.
Riedesel, Baroness, 149, 150.
Ripley, George, 48, 54,57, 67, 113.
Rossetti, D. G., 132.
Rousseau, J. J., 191.
Ruggles, Mrs., 151.
Ruggles, Capt., George, 150.
Russell, Miss P., 75.
Sackville, Lord, 195.
Sales, Francis, 17, 23.
Sanborn, F. B., 156, 174, 177.
Scott, Sir, Walter, 26, 35, 177.
Scott, Sir, William, 45.
Scudder, H. E., 69, 70.
Sewall, Samuel, 12.
Sewell, Jonathan, 12.
Seward, W. H., 178.
Shaler, Prof. N. S., 70.
Shepard, Rev., Thomas, 3, 5, 7.
Sidney, Sir, Philip, 159.
Smalley, G. A., 192.
Smith, Sydney, 105.
Smollett, Tobias, 95.
Sparks, Pres., Jared, 14, 44, 128.
Spenser, Edmund, 47, 154.
Storer, Dr. D. H., 113.
Story, Judge, Joseph, 16, 44.
Story, W. W., 16, 26, 70, 154, 155.
Stowe, Rev. C. E., 90, 113.
Stowe, Mrs. H. B., 65, 66, go.
Sumner, Charles, 104, 123, 132, 191.
Swift, Dean, 95, 166.
Swinburne, A. C., 132.
Tennyson, Lord, 132, 195.
ty for the slave, of whom Sumner was the type; and the men actuated by resentment at being ruled from the South, of whom Seward was the type.
It was, however, the Abolition tom-tom that had called both classes from the deep; and the Seward class was but an imperfect, half-awakened example of the true thing.
The Seward class could never stand fire.
Its courage,--for the infusion of courage was the sole function of that tom-tom,--its courage was in the head and not, as yet, in the vitals.
Thiainst itself for three-quarters of a century?
Yes, truly, this whole matter was a fate-drama, and in a deeper sense than Seward imagined or than even Lincoln could guess.
Seward with his perception of the irrepressible conflict between opposing andSeward with his perception of the irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and Lincoln with his vision of the blood of white men, drawn by the sword, which should repay the blood of slaves that had been drawn by the lash — saw only the main crash of the drama.
The reality of it was profounder, and the tra
Polk, James K., 204.
Presbyterians, and Abolition, 208.
Pro-Slavery Democrats, Northern, 23.
Quincy, Edmund, 210.
Rankin, John, 160.
Reformer, the, 54.
Republican Party, formation of, 142, 143,258.
Rhodes, James F., 142.
Richmond Whig, quoted, 104, 119.
Roman Catholics, and Abolition, 200, 207.
Ross, Abner, 187.
Rynders, Isaiah, his history, 203, 204.
Rynders Mob, the, 203ff.
Savonarola, Girolamo, 193.
Scott, Dred, case of, 257.
Sewall, Samuel E., 80.
Seward, W. H., 143, 1144.
Slave, the, beginning of G.'s devotion to, cause of, 42.
Slave-holding classes, manhood crushed out of, 22.
Slave Power, attempts to put down Abolition, 99 ff.; politics of the North controlled by, 138.
And see Slavery.
Slave states, and free . states, admitted to Union in pairs, 9.
Slave trade, constitutional provision concerning, 15; what it was, 15.
Slavery in the U. S., question of, overshadowing from 1830 to 1865, 2 if.; from G.'s point of view, 6, 7; a