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ning the right of the President or his subordinates to order such arrests. No action was taken, however, at this time. From the frequency with which these arrests were made on the order of the State Department grew the alleged statement of Secretary Seward to Lord Lyons, the British minister: My Lord, I can touch a bell on my right hand and order the arrest of a citizen of Ohio. I can touch a bell again and order the imprisonment of a citizen in New York. And no power on earth except that of the President can release them. Can the Queen of England do so much? This statement, though often quoted, does not appear in any of the published correspondence or papers of Secretary Seward, and it is improbable that it was ever made in these precise words. However, it does express definitely and clearly the actual condition of affairs during the first year of the war. On February 14, 1862, according to the proclamation of President Lincoln, the custody of all prisoners of state was trans
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 9. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Literary notice. (search)
ery means of pacification, while their commissioners at Washington awaited the pleasure of the Federal Government, and were amused by the perfidious assurances of Seward that Sumter would be evacuated at the very time when the Government was fitting out an expedition to reinforce it — and that the cry against the South for firing It seems to us, also, that Mr. Davis successfully refutes the assumption that the South was the aggressor in the conflict which ensued. It is hard to see how Mr. Seward can be freed from the charge of flagrant bad faith in his dealings with the Confederate Commissioners sent to Washington for the purpose of negotiating an amicaf hostility was not the attack on Fort Sumter by General Beauregard, but the attempt to reinforce that post made in violation of the pledges repeatedly given by Mr. Seward to the Commissioners. We think no candid person can fail to be convinced by the simple documentary testimony brought forward by Mr. Davis that the seceding Sta
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 9. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), The attempt to Fasten the assassination of President Lincoln on President Davis and other innocent parties. (search)
eserves a place in our records that the future historian may see what methods were employed to blacken the name and fame of Confederate leaders.] On the 2d day of May, 1865, his Excellency, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, published to the world the following proclamation-viz: By the President of the United States: Whereas, it appears from evidence in the Bureau of Military Justice that the atrocious murder of the late President, and the attempted murder of the Hon. W. H. Seward, Secretary of State, was incited, concocted and procured by and between Jeff. Davis, late of Richmond, Virginia; and Jacob Thompson, Clement C. Clay, Beverley Tucker, George N. Sanders, W. W. Cleary, and other rebels and traitors against the government of the United States, harbored in Canada. Now, therefore, to the end that justice may be done, I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, do offer for the arrest of said persons or either of them within the limits of the Unite
Bahia. Lincoln was confronted by a protest from the different representatives of the courts of Europe, denouncing this extraordinary breach of national neutrality, which placed the government of the United States in a most unenviable position. Seward, with his usual diplomatic insincerity and Machiavellianism, characteristically prevaricated, while he plotted with a distinguished admiral as to the most adroit method of disposing of the elephant. The result of these plottings was that an engimer, with positive orders to open her sea-cock at midnight, and not to leave the engine-room until the water was up to his chin, as at sunrise the Florida must he at the bottom. The following note was sent to the Brazilian charge d'affaires by Seward: While awaiting the representations of the Brazilian Government, on the 28th of November she [the Florida] sank, owing to a leak, which could not be seasonably stopped. The leak was at first represented to have been caused, or at least incre
els in England statement of Lord Russell duty of neutrals position taken by President Washington letter of Jefferson contracts sought by United States government Adams asserts British neutrality violated reply of Lord Russell rejoinder of Seward duty of neutrals relative to warlike stores views of Wheaton; of Kent charge of the Lord Chief Baron in the Alexandria case action of the Confederate government sustained antecedents of the United States government the colonial commissions highest authority; and I have only, in conclusion, to express my hope that you may not be instructed again to put forward claims which her Majesty's Government can not admit to be founded on any grounds of law or justice. On October 6, 1863, Seward, the Secretary of State of the United States government, replied to this declaration of Earl Russell, saying: The United States do insist, and must continue to insist, that the British Government is justly responsible for the damages which th
W. H. Seward Brigadier GeneralFeb. 21, 1865, to Feb. 27, 1865. Harper's Ferry, W. Va., Reserve Division, Artillery Brigade, Department of West Virginia Brigadier GeneralJan., 1865, to Apr., 1865. 1st Brigade, 3d Division, 1st Division, Department of West Virginia
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Olde Cambridge, Chapter 5: Lowell (search)
on, Lord de Roos, long suspected of cheating at cards, would never have been convicted but for the resolution of an adversary, who, pinning his hand to the table with a fork, said to him, blandly, My lord, if the ace of spades is not under your lordship's hand, why then I beg your pardon. It seems to us that a timely treatment of Governor Letcher in the same energetic way would have saved the disasters of Harper's Ferry and Norfolk. And he was one of the first to proclaim publicly, while Mr. Seward was still trying to keep the question of slavery wholly out of the affair: We cannot think that the war we are entering on can end without some radical change in the system of African slavery. . . . The fiery tongues of the batteries in Charleston harbor accomplished in one day a conversion which the constancy of Garrison and the eloquence of Phillips had failed to bring about in thirty years. Such words were half battles, at that day. The biographers of Lowell all agree that he was a
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Olde Cambridge, Index (search)
Quincy, Pres., Josiah, 29, 43, 157. Read, Gen., Meredith, 132. Richter, J. P. F., 85, 116. Riedesel, Baroness, 149, 150. Ripley, George, 48, 54,57, 67, 113. Rossetti, D. G., 132. Rousseau, J. J., 191. Ruggles, Mrs., 151. Ruggles, Capt., George, 150. Russell, Miss P., 75. Sackville, Lord, 195. Sales, Francis, 17, 23. Sanborn, F. B., 156, 174, 177. Scott, Sir, Walter, 26, 35, 177. Scott, Sir, William, 45. Scudder, H. E., 69, 70. Sewall, Samuel, 12. Sewell, Jonathan, 12. Seward, W. H., 178. Shaler, Prof. N. S., 70. Shepard, Rev., Thomas, 3, 5, 7. Sidney, Sir, Philip, 159. Smalley, G. A., 192. Smith, Sydney, 105. Smollett, Tobias, 95. Sparks, Pres., Jared, 14, 44, 128. Spenser, Edmund, 47, 154. Storer, Dr. D. H., 113. Story, Judge, Joseph, 16, 44. Story, W. W., 16, 26, 70, 154, 155. Stowe, Rev. C. E., 90, 113. Stowe, Mrs. H. B., 65, 66, go. Sumner, Charles, 104, 123, 132, 191. Swift, Dean, 95, 166. Swinburne, A. C., 132. Tennyson, Lord, 132, 195. Th
John Jay Chapman, William Lloyd Garrison, Chapter 6: Retrospect and prospect. (search)
ty for the slave, of whom Sumner was the type; and the men actuated by resentment at being ruled from the South, of whom Seward was the type. It was, however, the Abolition tom-tom that had called both classes from the deep; and the Seward class was but an imperfect, half-awakened example of the true thing. The Seward class could never stand fire. Its courage,--for the infusion of courage was the sole function of that tom-tom,--its courage was in the head and not, as yet, in the vitals. Thiainst itself for three-quarters of a century? Yes, truly, this whole matter was a fate-drama, and in a deeper sense than Seward imagined or than even Lincoln could guess. Seward with his perception of the irrepressible conflict between opposing andSeward with his perception of the irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and Lincoln with his vision of the blood of white men, drawn by the sword, which should repay the blood of slaves that had been drawn by the lash — saw only the main crash of the drama. The reality of it was profounder, and the tra
John Jay Chapman, William Lloyd Garrison, Index (search)
. Polk, James K., 204. Presbyterians, and Abolition, 208. Pro-Slavery Democrats, Northern, 23. Quincy, Edmund, 210. Rankin, John, 160. Reformer, the, 54. Republican Party, formation of, 142, 143,258. Rhodes, James F., 142. Richmond Whig, quoted, 104, 119. Roman Catholics, and Abolition, 200, 207. Ross, Abner, 187. Rynders, Isaiah, his history, 203, 204. Rynders Mob, the, 203ff. Savonarola, Girolamo, 193. Scott, Dred, case of, 257. Sewall, Samuel E., 80. Seward, W. H., 143, 1144. Slave, the, beginning of G.'s devotion to, cause of, 42. Slave-holding classes, manhood crushed out of, 22. Slave Power, attempts to put down Abolition, 99 ff.; politics of the North controlled by, 138. And see Slavery. Slave states, and free . states, admitted to Union in pairs, 9. Slave trade, constitutional provision concerning, 15; what it was, 15. Slavery in the U. S., question of, overshadowing from 1830 to 1865, 2 if.; from G.'s point of view, 6, 7; a
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