Your search returned 1,411 results in 267 document sections:

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 ...
The Annals of the Civil War Written by Leading Participants North and South (ed. Alexander Kelly McClure), How Jefferson Davis was overtaken. (search)
orders from Washington. Colonel Pritchard, with a detachment of his regiment, was directed to deliver his prisoner safely into the custody of the Secretary of War. I also placed in his charge the person of Clement C. Clay, Jr., for whose arrest a reward had been offered by the President. Mr. Clay surrendered himself at Macon, about the 11th of May, having informed me by telegraph, from Western Georgia, the day before, that he would start for my headquarters without delay. Alexander it. Stephens, Vice President of the Confederacy, was arrested by General Upton, at Crawfordsville, about the same time, and also placed in charge of Colonel Pritchard; but he and Davis were not brought into personal contact, both expressing the desire that they might be spared that pain. General Upton was charged with making the necessary arrangements for forwarding the prisoners and escort safely to Savannah, to the department of General Gilmore. In order to cut off all hope of escape an escort of
Robert Lewis Dabney, Life and Commands of Lieutenand- General Thomas J. Jackson, Chapter 5: secession. (search)
manding her chief city and harbor, Fort Sumter; and the manner in which this threatening act was accompanied, aggravated the indignation of the people. On the 9th of January, 1861, Mississippi left the Union; Alabama and Florida followed on the 11th; Georgia on the 20th; Louisiana on the 26th; and Texas on the 1st of February. On the 9th of February, a Provisional Government of the six seceding States was instituted at Montgomery, in Alabama, with Jefferson Davis for President, and Alexander H. Stephens for Vice-President. Meantime the border Slave States, headed by Virginia, while declaring that they would not remain passive spectators of an attempt to chastise the seceding States for thus exercising their unquestionable right, continued in the Union, and made strenuous efforts at conciliation. The General Assembly of Virginia proposed a conference of the Free and Slave States by their ambassadors, to devise some terms of mutual concession. This body met in Washington, Febru
Robert Lewis Dabney, Life and Commands of Lieutenand- General Thomas J. Jackson, Chapter 16: second Manassa's. (search)
attle died away as suddenly as it had begun, and the enemy retired in the darkness. This affair, which was known as the battle of Ox Hill, closed the evening of September 1st. Its thunders were aggravated by those of a tempest, which burst upon the combatants just before the battle was joined, and the Confederates fought under the disadvantage of the rain, which was swept by a violent wind directly into their faces. Two Federal Generals fell here, in front of Hill's division, Kearney and Stephens, and their death doubtless completed the discouragement of their troops. The next morning, the Federalists were within reach of their powerful works before Washington, and the pursuit was arrested. The Commander-in. Chief now purposed to transfer the strife to a new arena. The total loss of the Confederate army in this series of battles was about seven thousand five hundred, of whom eleven hundred were killed upon the field. Of this loss, nearly five thousand fell upon the corps of
e face; and these were powerless to accomplish anything practical. But their constant pressure finally forced from the reluctant legislature a few first steps toward reduction of the chaos. The Government was to consist, after the President, of a vice-President and a secretary for each of the departments of State, War, Navy, Treasury, Post-Office and Justice; the latter being a combination of the responsibilities of the Interior Department and the Attorney-General's office. Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, had been elevated to the vice-Presidency, as reconciling the oppositions of original secession and anti secession. He had long been a prominent politician; was thoroughly acquainted with all the points of public life; and was, at this time, quite popular with people of all sections, being generally regarded as a man of exceptional capacity and great independence. The portfolio of State was in the hands of another Georgian, Robert Toombs. In the present posture of a
Chapter 37: dies irae-dies illa. The lull at Petersburg strain on army and people North and South waiting fears for Richmond after Atlanta peace propositions Mr. Davis' attitude Mr. Stephens' failure at Fortress Monroe Hood's fatal move results of Franklin strange gayeties in Richmond from the Dance to the grave Starvations and theatricals evacuation rumors only Richmond left Joe Johnston Reinstated near desperation Grant Strikes the news in church evacuation scenes t us meet it half way. Even the Congress seemed impressed with the necessity of meeting any overtures from the North, before it was too late and our dire strait should be known there. But it was already too late; and the resultless mission of Mr. Stephens to Fortress Monroe proved that the Washington Government now saw plainly that it could force upon us the terms it made the show of offering. The failure of this mission, no less than the great mystery in which the Government endeavored to
Why no pursuit after Manassas. Attention has frequently been drawn to the restiveness of the entire southern people, under alleged neglect to seize golden opportunities for pressing the enemy, after Confederate successes. Most frequently repeated of all these charges, is that which puts upon the shoulders of Jefferson Davis the onus of delay-and of all resulting evil-after the first victory on Manassas Plains. This charge receives semi-official sanction, from ex-Vice-President Stephens; for his history of the war plainly asserts that to the President was due the failure of the Confederate troops to advance after the battle of Manassas. The following correspondence between the two men most interested in that mooted question may therefore be read with interest by all candid thinkers: Richmond, Va., November 3, 1861. General J. E. Johnston, Commanding Department of the Potomac: Sir: Reports have been and are being widely circulated to the effect that I prevented General Beaure
Fitzhugh Lee, General Lee, Index. (search)
290. Smith, General Gustavus W., 138, 139, 147, 148, 181. Smith, General Purcifor F., mentioned, 41; noticed, 46, 47. Smith, General William F., 227, 266, 341, 342, 346, 347. Solferino flag, the, 327. Sorrel, General, mentioned, 390. Southern cavalry, 154. Spottswood, Alexander, 21. Spottsylvania Court House, 259, 333. Stafford Heights, 225. Stanard's Vermont troops, 294. Stanton, Edwin M., mentioned, 167, 221, 242, 268. Starke, General, killed, 212. Stephens, Alexander H., 90. Stevens, General, mentioned, 196. Stevens, Mrs., Martha, 232. Stewart, John, of Brook Hill, Va., 401. St. John, General J. M., 383. St. Lambert Heights, 422. St. Paul, toast to, 222. St. Paul's Church, Richmond, 379. Stoneman, General, 163, 242, 243; at Knoxville, 370. Stonewall brigade, 324, 325. Stratford, estate of, 5, 6, 16. Stuart, General J. E. B., mentioned, 54, 76, 163, 165, 182, 184, 187, 193, 205, 215, 222, 228, 244, 253, 254, 262, 263, 265, 285,
Ulysses S. Grant, Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant, Arrival of the peace commissioners-lincoln and the peace commissioners-an anecdote of Lincoln-the winter before Petersburg-Sheridan Destroys the Railroad — Gordon Carries the picket line-parke Recaptures the line-the battle of White Oak road (search)
urg, and were immediately conducted to my headquarters at City Point. They proved to be Alexander H. Stephens, Vice-President of the Confederacy, Judge [John A.] Campbell, Assistant-Secretary of War well by reputation and through their public services, and I had been a particular admirer of Mr. Stephens. I had always supposed that he was a very small man, but when I saw him in the dusk of the eners at Hampton Roads. After a little conversation, he asked me if I had seen that overcoat of Stephens's. I replied that I had. Well, said he, did you see him take it off? I said yes. Well, said heto the Confederate General J. B. Gordon, at the time a member of the Senate. He repeated it to Stephens, and, as I heard afterwards, Stephens laughed immoderately at the simile of Mr. Lincoln. ThStephens laughed immoderately at the simile of Mr. Lincoln. The rest of the winter, after the departure of the peace commissioners, passed off quietly and uneventfully, except for two or three little incidents. On one occasion during this period, while I was vi
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Sixth joint debate, at Quincy, October 13, 1858. (search)
in the House of Representatives, in 1856, on the Kansas question, and you will find that he takes the ground that while the owner of a slave has a right to go into a Territory, and carry his slaves with him, that he cannot hold them one day or hour unless there is a slave code to protect him. He tells you that slavery would not exist a day in South Carolina, or any other State, unless there was a friendly people and friendly legislation. Read the speeches of that giant in intellect, Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, and you will find them to the same effect. Read the speeches of Sam Smith, of Tennessee, and of all Southern men, and you will find that they all understood this doctrine then as we understand it now. Mr. Lincoln cannot be made to understand it, however. Down at Jonesboro, he went on to argue that if it be the law that a man has a right to take his slaves into territory of the United States under the Constitution, that then a member of Congress was perjured if he did n
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., The last joint debate, at Alton, October 15, 1858. (search)
hat the owner would be practically debarred, by the circumstances of the case, from taking slave property into a Territory where the sense of the inhabitants was opposed to its introduction. So much for the oft-repeated fallacy of forcing slavery upon any community. You will also find that the distinguished Speaker of the present House of Representatives, Hon. Jas. L. Orr, construed the Kansas and Nebraska bill in this same way in 1856, and also that great intellect of the South, Alex. H. Stephens, put the same construction upon it in Congress that I did in my Freeport speech. The whole South are rallying to the support of the doctrine that if the people of a Territory want slavery they have a right to have it, and if they do not want it that no power on earth can force it upon them. I hold that there is no principle on earth more sacred to all the friends of freedom than that which says that no institution, no law, no constitution, should be forced on an unwilling people cont
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 ...