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George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8 14 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 12 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 32. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 12 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 10 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 10 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: July 5, 1862., [Electronic resource] 8 0 Browse Search
Charles E. Stowe, Harriet Beecher Stowe compiled from her letters and journals by her son Charles Edward Stowe 8 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 8 0 Browse Search
Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America. Vol. 1. (ed. Henry Coppee , LL.D.) 8 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 6 0 Browse Search
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d with his speech the exercise of his vocal organs altered somewhat the tone of his voice. It lost in a measure its former acute and shrilling pitch, and mellowed into a more harmonious and pleasant sound. His form expanded, and, notwithstanding the sunken breast, he rose up a splendid and imposing figure. In his defence of the Declaration of Independence--his greatest inspiration — he was tremendous in the directness of his utterances; he rose to impassioned eloquence, unsurpassed by Patrick Henry, Mirabeau, or Vergniaud, as his soul was inspired with the thought of human right and Divine justice. Horace White, who was present and reported the speech for his paper, the Chicago Tribune. Letter, June 9, 1865, Ms. His little gray eyes flashed in a face aglow with the fire of his profound thoughts; and his uneasy movements and diffident manner sunk themselves beneath the wave of righteous indignation that came sweeping over him. Such was Lincoln the orator. We can somewhat app
nty years ago-just after the great rebellion, in the success of which we all, from Massachusetts to Georgia, so heartily gloried. No.wonder that he spoke as if he were inspired. Was it not enough to inspire him to have the drawn sword of Washington, unsheathed in defence of his invaded country, immediately over his head, while the other hand of his great prototype points encouragingly to the South? Had he not the life-like representations of Jefferson, George Mason, and, above all, of Patrick Henry, by his side? The latter with his scroll in his outstretched hand, his countenance beaming, his lips almost parted, and seeming on the point of bursting into one blaze of eloquence in defence of his native South. How could Southern tongues remain quiet, or Southern hearts but burn within us, when we beheld our heroes, living and dead, surrounding and holding up the hands of our great chief? By him stood his cabinet, composed of the talent and the patriotism of the land; then was hear
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 2, Chapter 26: the gun-boats in the James River-battle of seven Pines. (search)
uction of the Virginia hastens the coming of the enemy's gunboats. I know not what to expect when so many failures are to be remembered, yet will try to make a successful resistance, and if it were the first attempt, would expect to sink the enemy's boats. On May 15th, the enemy's fleet of five ships of war, among them the Monitor, steamed up the James River, and took position within range of the fort at Drewry's Bluff, and opened fire between eight and nine o'clock. The little Patrick Henry was lying above the obstructions, and co-operated with the fort in its defence. General Lee had also some light batteries in position on the banks of the river to sweep the ships' decks with cannister. The Monitor and Galena steamed up to within six hundred yards of the fort, the smaller vessels were kept at long range. When it was known in Richmond that General Johnston's army had fallen back to the vicinity of the city, and that the enemy's gun-boats were ascending the James,
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2., Chapter 14: movements of the Army of the Potomac.--the Monitor and Merrimack. (search)
in-mast was crippled by a shot sent from Sewell's Point when she was passing, and when within a mile and a half of Newport-Newce she ran aground. There she was attacked by the Merrimack and two of the Confederate gun-boats, the Jamestown and Patrick Henry. The armed vessels that assisted the Merrimack in her raid, were the Patrick Henry, Commander Tucker, 6 guns; Jamestown, Lieutenant-Commanding Barney, 2 guns; and Raleigh, Lieutenant-Commanding Alexander; Beaufort, Lieutenant-Commanding PaPatrick Henry, Commander Tucker, 6 guns; Jamestown, Lieutenant-Commanding Barney, 2 guns; and Raleigh, Lieutenant-Commanding Alexander; Beaufort, Lieutenant-Commanding Parker, and Teazer, Lieutenant-Commanding Webb, each one gun. Fortunately, the water was so shallow that the Merrimack could not approach within a mile of her. She fought gallantly, and at dusk her assailants, considerably crippled, withdrew, and went up toward Norfolk. Commodore Buchanan and several others on board the Merrimack were wounded. The Commander was so badly hurt that Captain Jones, his second in command, took charge of the vessels. Two of her guns were broken; her prow was twist
e American Revolution was no sudden outbreak. It was preceded by eleven years of peaceful remonstrance and animated discussion. The vital question concerned the right of the British Parliament to impose taxes, at its discretion, on British subjects in any and every part of the empire. This question presented many phases, and prompted various acts and propositions. But its essence was always the same; and it was impossible that such men as James Otis, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, and Patrick Henry, should discuss it without laying broad foundations for their argument in premises affecting the natural and general Rights of Man to self-government, with the control of his own products or earnings. The enthusiast who imagines that our patriots were all convinced of the danger and essential iniquity of Slavery, and the conservative who argues that few or none perceived and admitted the direct application of their logic to the case of men held in perpetual and limitless bondage, are al
jealousies and State pride, to such an extent that a Convention of delegates from a quorum of the States, called together rather to amend than to supersede the Articles of Confederation, was legally assembled at Philadelphia in 1787, George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton,James Madison, Edmund Randolph, and Charles C. Pinckney, being among its most eminent members. John Adams and Thomas Jefferson were absent as Embassadors in Europe. Samuel Adams, George Clinton, and Patrick Henry stood aloof, watching the movement with jealous apprehension. Franklin, then over eighty-one years of age, declined the chair on account of his increasing infirmities; and, on his motion, George Washington was unanimously elected President. The Convention sat with closed doors; and no circumstantial nor adequate report of its deliberations was made. The only accounts of them which have reached us are those of delegates who took notes at the time, or taxed their recollection in after
ay.--The Constitution, Art. I., sec. 10. as proof irresistible of the correctness of their position. The express inhibition of any alliance, compact, or treaty between two or more of the States, was even more conclusive on this head. They pointed to the fact, that the very preamble to this instrument proclaimed it the work of the people of the United States, and not a mere alliance or pact between the States themselves in their capacity of separate and sovereign political communities. Patrick Henry urged this latter objection with much force in the Virginia ratifying Convention. In the Virginia Convention (Wednesday, June 4, 1788, and the day following) Mr. Henry spoke as follows: That this is a consolidated government is demonstrably clear; and the danger of such a government is, to my mind, very striking. I have the highest veneration for those gentlemen [who formed the Constitution]; but, Sir, give me leave to demand, What right had they to say, We, the people? My politi
awrence, towed by the Cambridge, passed them, and soon also grounded, but was hauled off by the Cambridge, when she returned to the harbor of the fort. The Minnesota, Capt. Van Brunt, having, in passing Sewell's Point, received and returned a fire from the Rebel battery, which crippled her mainmast, had approached within a mile and a half of Newport News, when she grounded, with an ebbing tide, and was still hard at work trying to get off, when, at 4 P M., the Merrimac, Jamestown, and Patrick Henry, having finished their work at the News, bore down upon her. The shallowness of the water forbade the Merrimac to come within a mile of her, from which distance she fired for the next two or three hours, but once hulling the Minnesota by a shot through her bow. The Jamestown and the Patrick Henry, taking position on the port bow and stern of the Minnesota, where only her heavy pivot-gun could be brought to bear upon them, kept up a vigorous and effective fire on her, by which several of
XI. Slavery in the War — Emancipation. Patrick Henry on Federal power over Slavery Edmund Randolph John Quincy Adams Joshua R. Giddings Mr. Lincoln Gov. Seward Gen. Butler Gen. Frement Gen. T. W. Sherman Gen. Wool Gen. Dix Gen. Halleck Gen. Cameron his report revised by President Lincoln Seward to McClellost earnest advocates of the prohibition. Hence, when the State Conventions were assembled to ratify or reject it, with such eminent Revolutionary patriots as Patrick Henry, John Hancock, Samuel Adams, George Clinton, and Luther Martin, leading in the opposition, the clauses affecting Slavery were vigilantly, and not unsuccessfulls the majority in no State obtained exactly what they wanted, but were satisfied that, on the whole, they were better with the Constitution than without it. Patrick Henry alone, in opposing ratification, assailed the Constitution as a measure of thorough, undisguised, all-absorbing consolidation, and, though himself a professed
poch of the republic, even though they come laden with regrets, and hold up that period of our history in contrast with the present — though they come to remind us of what were our relations during the Revolution, and in later years, prior to 1861, to that great commonwealth which we were accustomed to refer to by the name of the Mother of Statesmen and of States; and of what those relations now are. Can it be that we are never to think again of the land where the dust of Washington and Patrick Henry, of Jefferson and Madison, repose, with emotions of gratitude, admiration, and filial regard? Is hate for all that Virginia has taught, all that Virginia has done, all that Virginia now is, to take the place of sentiments which we have cherished all our lives? Other men may be asked to do this; but it is in vain to appeal to me. So far as my heart is concerned, it is not a subject of volition. While there may be those in whose breasts such sentiments as these awaken no responsive feel