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Senator. Lincoln's magnanimity. election of Trumbull. interview with the Governor of Illinois. tthe State-Fair week, speeches were made by Lyman Trumbull, Sidney Breese, E. D. Taylor, and John Callung to and finally forced the election of Lyman Trumbull. The student of history in after years wio abandon him at the critical period and save Trumbull, while he himself disappeared beneath the wavin, and Allen and Baker of Madison voting for Trumbull — I asked Mr. Lincoln what he would advise us to do. He answered, Go for Trumbull by all means. We understood the case to be that Shields was to the State. We reluctantly complied: went to Trumbull and elected him. I remember that Judge S. T. r more earnest and decided. He congratulated Trumbull warmly, although of course greatly disappoint broadening. Some time after the election of Trumbull a young negro, the son of a colored woman in ction of the State, Washburne to another, and Trumbull still another; while every cross-roads politi[2 more...]
s manufacturing towns, broadened the views of one whose vision had never extended beyond the limits of the Illinois prairies. In Washington I saw and dined with Trumbull, who went over the situation with me. Trumbull had written to Lincoln shortly before Letter, December 25, 1857, Ms. that he thought it useless to speculate upTrumbull had written to Lincoln shortly before Letter, December 25, 1857, Ms. that he thought it useless to speculate upon the further course of Douglas or the effect it is to have in Illinois or other States. He himself does not know where he is going or where he will come out. At my interview with Trumbull, however, he directed me to assure Mr. Lincoln that Douglas did not mean to join the Republican party, however great the breach between himTrumbull, however, he directed me to assure Mr. Lincoln that Douglas did not mean to join the Republican party, however great the breach between himself and the administration might be. We Republicans here, he said exultingly in another letter to Lincoln, are in good spirits, and are standing back to let the fight go on between Douglas and his former associates. Lincoln will lose nothing by this if he can keep the attention of our Illinois people from being diverted from the
y fastened on Seward, who had already freely exercised the rights of leadership in the party. All other competitors he dropped out of the problem. In the middle of April he again writes his Kansas friend: Reaching home last night I found yours of the 7th. You know I was recently in New England. Some of the acquaintances while there write me since the election that the close vote in Connecticut and the quasi-defeat in Rhode Island are a drawback upon the prospects of Governor Seward; and Trumbull writes Dubois to the same effect. Do not mention this as coming from me. Both these States are safe enough in the fall. But, while Seward may have lost ground near his home, he was acquiring strength in the West. He had invaded the very territory Lincoln was intending to retain by virtue of his course in the contest with Douglas. Lincoln's friend in Kansas, instead of securing that delegation for him, had suffered the Seward men to outgeneral him, and the prospects were by no means fla
inuous watchfulness and activity, and he must have intimate knowledge of details if he would work out grand results. Activity in politics also produces eager competition and sharp rivalry. In 1839 the seat of government was definitely transferred from Vandalia to Springfield, and there soon gathered at the new State capital a group of young men whose varied ability and future success in public service has rarely been excelled-Douglas, Shields, Calhoun, Stuart, Logan, Baker, Treat, Hardin, Trumbull, McClernand, Browning, McDougall, and others. His new surroundings greatly stimulated and reinforced Mr. Lincoln's growing experience and spreading acquaintance, giving him a larger share and wider influence in local and State politics. He became a valued and sagacious adviser in party caucuses, and a power in party conventions. Gradually, also, his gifts as an attractive and persuasive campaign speaker were making themselves felt and appreciated. His removal, in April, 1837, from
Chapter 7. Repeal of the Missouri Compromise State Fair debate Peoria debate Trumbull elected letter to Robinson the know Nothings Decatur meeting Bloomington convention Philadelphia conventions Lincoln's vote for Vice President Fremont and Dayton Lincoln's campaign speeches Chicago banquet spee elect a pronounced Whig to the United States Senate, though as strongly Anti-Nebraska as themselves. Five of them brought forward, and stubbornly voted for, Lyman Trumbull, an Anti-Nebraska Democrat of ability, who had been chosen representative in Congress from the eighth Illinois District in the recent election. On the ninthal generosity and political sagacity far above the comprehension of the ordinary smart politician. He advised and prevailed upon his Whig supporters to vote for Trumbull, and thus secure a vote in the United States Senate against slavery extension. He had rightly interpreted both statesmanship and human nature. His personal sac
ouglas for his part in defeating the Lecompton Constitution, and the multiplying chances against him, served only to stimulate his followers in Illinois to greater efforts to secure his reelection. Precisely the same elements inspired the hope and increased the enthusiasm. of the Republicans of the State to accomplish his defeat. For a candidate to oppose the Little giant, there could be no rival in the Republican ranks to Abraham Lincoln. He had in 1854 yielded his priority of claim to Trumbull; he alone had successfully encountered Douglas in debate. The political events themselves seemed to have selected and pitted these two champions against each other. Therefore, when the Illinois State convention on June 16, 1858, passed by acclamation a separate resolution, That Abraham Lincoln is the first and only choice of the Republicans of Illinois for the United States Senate as the successor of Stephen A. Douglas, it only recorded the well-known judgment of the party. After its ro
t least of making such a showing of strength before the convention as would aid him in his future senatorial ambition at home, or perhaps carry him into the cabinet of the Republican President, should one succeed. He had not been eager to enter the lists, but once having agreed to do so, it was but natural that he should manifest a becoming interest, subject, however, now as always, to his inflexible rule of fair dealing and honorable faith to all his party friends. I do not understand Trumbull and myself to be rivals, he wrote December 9, 1859. You know I am pledged not to enter a struggle with him for the seat in the Senate now occupied by him; and yet I would rather have a full term in the Senate than in the presidency. And on February g he wrote to the same Illinois friend: I am not in a position where it would hurt much for me not to be nominated in the national ticket; but I am where it would hurt some for me not to get the Illinois delegates. What I expected whe
the hostile frontier on horseback, and trudged home on foot. His store winked out. His surveyor's compass and chain, with which he was earning a scanty living, were sold for debt. He was defeated in his first campaign for the legislature; defeated in his first attempt to be nominated for Congress; defeated in his application to be appointed commissioner of the General Land Office; defeated for the Senate in the Illinois legislature of 1854, when he had forty-five votes to begin with, by Trumbull, who had only five votes to begin with; defeated in the legislature of 1858, by an antiquated apportionment, when his joint debates with Douglas had won him a popular plurality of nearly four thousand in a Democratic State; defeated in the nomination for Vice-President on the Fremont ticket in 1856, when a favorable nod from half a dozen wire-workers would have brought him success. Failures? Not so. Every seeming defeat was a slow success. His was the growth of the oak, and not of Jona
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3., Chapter 8: Civil affairs in 1863.--military operations between the Mountains and the Mississippi River. (search)
the XXXVIIIth Congress. In the Senate there were 36 Unionists to 14 of the Opposition. In the House of Representatives there were 102 Unionists against 75 of the Opposition. The following is a list of the members of the XXXVIIIth Congress, with the names of the States they severally represented:-- Senate. California.--John Conness, James A. McDougall. Connecticut.--James Dixon, Lafayette S. Foster. Delaware.--George Read Riddle, Willard Saulsbury. Illinois.--W. A. Richardson, Lyman Trumbull. Indiana.--Thomas A. Hendricks, Henry S. Lane. Iowa.--James W. Grimes, James Harlan. Kansas.--James H. Lane, Samuel C. Pomeroy. Kentucky.--Lazarus W. Powell, Garrett Davis. Maine.--Lot M. Morrill, William P. Fessenden. Maryland.--Reverdy Johnson, Thomas H. Hicks. Massachusetts.--Charles Sumner, Henry Wilson. Michigan.--Zachary Chandler, Jacob M. Howard. Minnesota.--Alexander Ramsay, M. S. Wilkinson. Missouri.--B. Gratz Brown, J. B. Henderson. New Hampshire.--John P. Hale, Daniel Clar
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3., Chapter 16: career of the Anglo-Confederate pirates.--closing of the Port of Mobile — political affairs. (search)
The Senate had adopted it April 8, 1864. at the preceding session by the strong vote of thirty-eight to six. The following was the vote: yeas.--Maine--Fessenden, Morrill; Yew Hampshire, Clark, Hall; Massachusetts--Sumner, Wilson; Rhode Island--Anthony, Sprague; Connecticut--Dixon, Foster; Vermont--Collamer, Foot: New York, Harris, Morgan; New Jersey, Tenyck; Pennsylvania--Cowan; Maryland, Reverdy Johnson; West Virginia--Van Winkle, Willey; Ohio--Sherman, Wade; Indiana--Lane; Illinois--Trumbull; Missouri--Brown, Henderson; Michiyan--Chandler, Howard; Iowa--Grimes, Harlan; Wisconsin--Doolittle, Howe; Minnesota--Ramsay, Wilkinson; Kansas--Lane, Pomeroy; Oregon--Harding, Nesmith; California--Conness.--38. Only two of these affirmative votes were Democrats, namely, Johnson and Nesmith. The nays were all Democrats, namely: Delaware--Riddle, Saulsbury; Kentucky--Davis, Powell; Indiana--Hendricks; California--McDougall.--6. Six Democrats did not vote, namely, Buckalew of Pennsylvania
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