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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II.. Search the whole document.

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:: Sir:--Yours of the 8th, in answer to nine of the 2d inst., is just received. Assured that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing your proclamation of August 30, I perceived no general objection to it; the particular clause, however, in relation to the confiscation of property and the liberation of slaves, appeared to me to be objectionable in its non-conformity to the Act of Congress, passed the 6th of last August, upon the same subjects; and hence I wrote you expressing my wish that that clause should be modified accordingly. Your answer, just received, expresses the preference on your part that I should make an open order for the modification; which I very cheerfully do. It is, therefore, ordered that the said clause of said proclamation be so modified, held, and construed, as to conform with, and not to transcend, the provisions on the same subject contained in the Act of Congress entitled An act
August 30th (search for this): chapter 11
ls supporting the War, President Lincoln wrote Gen. Fremont that he must withdraw or modify it. This, Gen. F. declined to do, unless openly directed by his superior; hence the following order: Washington, D. C., Sept. 11, 1861. Maj.-Gen. John C. Fremont:: Sir:--Yours of the 8th, in answer to nine of the 2d inst., is just received. Assured that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing your proclamation of August 30, I perceived no general objection to it; the particular clause, however, in relation to the confiscation of property and the liberation of slaves, appeared to me to be objectionable in its non-conformity to the Act of Congress, passed the 6th of last August, upon the same subjects; and hence I wrote you expressing my wish that that clause should be modified accordingly. Your answer, just received, expresses the preference on your part that I should make an open order for the modification;
September 13th (search for this): chapter 11
e Blacks could oppose to these but their empty (and shackled) hands. What good, then, could be secured by an Abolition policy? It is a Pope's bull against the comet, suggested the President. It will unite the South and divide the North, fiercely clamored the entire Opposition. So the President — habitually cautious, dilatory, reticent — hesitated, and demurred, and resisted — possibly after he had silently resolved that the step must finally be taken. Mr. Lincoln was soon visited, Sept. 13. among others, by a deputation from the various Protestant denominations of Chicago, Illinois, charged with the duty of urging on him the adoption of a more decided and vigorous policy of Emancipation. He listened to the reading of their memorial, and responded in substance as follows: The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. For instance: the other day, four gentlemen of standing and intelligence from New York called as a delegation on business connected with the war; but<
September 17th (search for this): chapter 11
till generally regarded as apocryphal. It has been likewise asserted that the President had fully decided on resorting to this policy some weeks before the Proclamation appeared, and that he only withheld it till the military situation should assume a brighter aspect. Remarks made long afterward in Congress render highly probable the assumption that its appearance was somewhat delayed, awaiting the issue of the struggle in Maryland, which terminated with the battle of Antietam. Fought Sept. 17th--Proclamation of Freedom, dated 22d. Whether the open adhesion of the President at last to the policy of Emancipation did or did not contribute to the general defeat of his supporters in the State Elections which soon followed, is still fairly disputable. By those elections, Horatio Seymour was made Governor of New York and Joel Parker of New Jersey: supplanting Governors Morgan and Olden; while Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, also gave Opposition majorities; and Michigan,
September 22nd (search for this): chapter 11
ed for all losses by acts of the United States, including the loss of slaves. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the City of Washington, [L. S.] this twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. Abraham Lincoln. By the President: William H. Seward, Secretary of State. It has been alleged tha of the Emancipation policy were neither so signal nor so promptly realized as its sanguine promoters had anticipated. Nevertheless, on the day appointed, lie issued his absolute Proclamation of Freedom, as follows : Whereas, on the 22d day of September, in the year of our Lord 1862, a proclamation was issued I)v the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the following to wit: That on the 1st day of January, in the year of our Lord 1863. all persons held as s
ways by which Congress not only have the authority, but are bound, to interfere with the institution of Slavery in the States. The existing law prohibiting the importation of slaves into the United States from foreign countries is itself an interference with the institution of Slavery in the States. It was so considered by the founders of the Constitution of the United States, in which it was stipulated that Congress should not interfere, in that way, with the institution, prior to the year 1808. During the war with Great Britain, the military and naval commanders of that nation issued proclamations inviting the slaves to repair to their standard, with promises of freedom and of settlement in some of the British colonial establishments. This, surely, was an interference with the institution of Slavery in the States. By the treaty of peace, Great Britain stipulated to evacuate all the forts and places in the United States, without carrying away any slaves. If the Government of t
ave been anywhere controverted. In closing the argument in favor of ratifying the Federal Constitution, Mr. Zachariah Johnson said: They tell us that they see a progressive danger of bringing about emancipation. The principle has begun since the Revolution. Let us do what we will, it will come around. Slavery has been the foundation of that impiety and dissipation, which have been so much disseminated among our countrymen. If it were totally abolished, it would do much good. In 1836, May 25. Mr. John Quincy Adams, having been required to vote Yea or Nay, in the House, on a proposition reported by Mr. H. L. Pinckney, of South Carolina, in these words-- Resolved, That Congress possesses no constitutional power to interfere in any way with the institution of Slavery in any of the States of this confederacy-- voted Nay, in company with but eight others; and, obtaining the floor in Committee soon afterward, on a proposition that rations be distributed from the public st
o interfere, but they will be bound in duty to do it, by the express provisions of the Constitution itself. From the instant that your slaveholding States become the theater of war — civil. servile, or foreign — from that instant, the War powers of Congress extend to interference with the institution of Slavery in every way by which it can be interfered wilt, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or destroyed, to the cession of the State burdened with Slavery to a foriegn power. In 1842, April 15. when the prospective annexation of Texas, and a consequent war with Mexico, first loomed above the horizon, Mr. Adams returned to the subject; and, with reference to certain anti-Slavery resolves recently offered by Mr. Giddings, of Ohio, and the action of the House thereupon, said: What I am now to say, I say with great reluctance and with great pain. I am well aware that it is touching upon a sore place; and I would gladly get over it if I could. It has been my effort, s
l result of those elections is summed up in the following table: 1860--President. 1862--Gov. Or Congress. States. Lincoln. All others. 442   10 States 1,498,872 1,290,806 1,192,896 1,228,677 1860--Lincoln's maj--208,066. 1862--Opp. maj.--35,781. The Representosen from these States were politically classified as follows:   1860. 1862.   Repub. Dem. Admin. Opp. New York 23 10 14 17 New J6 0 Minnesota 2 0 2 0   Total, 10 States 78 37 57 67 1860--Lincoln maj.--41. 1862--Opposition maj., 10. note.--A new apportionment under the Census of 1860 changed materially, between 1860 and 1862, the number of Representatives from several of the States. Th1860 and 1862, the number of Representatives from several of the States. There were some counterbalancing changes in the States of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, as also in that of California, where the larger share of the Douglas vote of 1860 was in 1862 cast for the Union tickets; but it was clear, at the close of the State Elections of that
hin their knowledge. And no South Carolina journal intimated that Gen. Sherman's virtual pledge not to intermeddle with Slavery rendered his presence on their coast one whit less unwelcome than it would otherwise have been. If any White native of South Carolina came over to us, or evinced a desire to do so, thenceforth till near the end of the Rebellion, his name has not been given to the public. Maj.-Gen. Wool, who succeeded Gen. Butler in command at Fortress Monroe, issued oct. 14, 1861. an order directing that all colored persons called contrabands employed by officers or others within his command, must be furnished with subsistence by their employers, and paid, if males, not less than $8 ; if females, not less than $4 per monthly; and that all ablebodied colored persons, not employed as aforesaid, will be immediately put to work in the Engineer's or the Quartermaster's Department. By a subsequent order, Nov. 1, 1861. he directed that the compensation of contrabands wor
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