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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler. Search the whole document.

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May 18th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 22
s currency, for which the faith of the country was pledged, under the decision of Mr. Fessenden, had to be received by the people (who paid for it in gold) in paper, or they were compelled to convert it into such bonds as the government chose to give them. Mr. Blaine. Will the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Butler] allow me to read one sentence? I answered, Certainly. Mr. Blaine. The decision in regard to the payment of the first series of seven-thirty notes was made on the 18th of May, 1862, by Salmon P. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury, in these words:-- The three-year seven-thirty treasury notes are part of the temporary loan, and will be paid in treasury notes, unless the holders prefer to exchange them, etc. That was three months before Mr. Fessenden went into the treasury. He found the question res adjudicata. Res adjudicata. A thing adjudicated or determined. The gentleman is all wrong in charging this upon Mr. Fessenden. There is not the remotest foundat
wer greenbacks declared legal tender by Supreme Court proposition for an interchangeable bond plea for governmental system of terminal Annuities position on reconstruction United States should have had Canada for the Alabama claims you shall never be Governor of Massachusetts I will be Governor of Massachusetts and he becomes Governor that council Tewksbury the Fast-day proclamation Appointees Harvard College running for President in 1884 Cleveland's election fraudulent In 1863 I provided myself with a piece of land on Cape Ann, on the northeast coast of Massachusetts, for a summer home for myself and family. I pitched my tent on the southerly side of it next to Ipswich Bay, a beautiful and picturesque piece of water, where the sunsets are equal to those of the Bay of Naples. With my two boys and their tutor I established myself in this tent on the beach as a seashore home. We all neglected that residence somewhat in 1864, but then we were occupying a tent with t
84 Cleveland's election fraudulent In 1863 I provided myself with a piece of land on Cape Ann, on the northeast coast of Massachusetts, for a summer home for myself and family. I pitched my tent on the southerly side of it next to Ipswich Bay, a beautiful and picturesque piece of water, where the sunsets are equal to those of the Bay of Naples. With my two boys and their tutor I established myself in this tent on the beach as a seashore home. We all neglected that residence somewhat in 1864, but then we were occupying a tent with the Army of the James in Virginia. In the summer of 1865 we were on Cape Ann again, where we spent a very delightful season in sailing and fishing, and the full enjoyment of a free life. This residence was about forty miles from my home at Lowell, and outside of the congressional district in which that city is situated. When autumn came we struck the tent, and afterwards I spent the winter at Washington before the courts there. In 1866 we returned t
May 18th, 1864 AD (search for this): chapter 22
. Chase was not guilty of the same thing; I only said that William P. Fessenden was guilty of it; that is the distinction. [Laughter.] If Salmon P. Chase had broken the faith of this government — if he had said that, although the government had received gold in the hour of its necessity, immediately after the first battle of Bull Run, the darkest day the government ever saw, and had pledged gold in return — for then we paid gold to meet all our obligations — if Salmon P. Chase, on the 18th of May, 1864, when called upon to say whether we should pay gold for the gold we had received, broke the faith of the government, if he was one of those repudiators and scoundrels and knaves we hear of so glibly when we attempt to discuss this question of finance, why did not and why should not Secretary Fessenden overrule him when he became Secretary of the Treasury? If so great a wrong was res adjudicata, it was res very badly adjudicata, and should have been forthwith set right. My friend doe<
on the northeast coast of Massachusetts, for a summer home for myself and family. I pitched my tent on the southerly side of it next to Ipswich Bay, a beautiful and picturesque piece of water, where the sunsets are equal to those of the Bay of Naples. With my two boys and their tutor I established myself in this tent on the beach as a seashore home. We all neglected that residence somewhat in 1864, but then we were occupying a tent with the Army of the James in Virginia. In the summer of 1865 we were on Cape Ann again, where we spent a very delightful season in sailing and fishing, and the full enjoyment of a free life. This residence was about forty miles from my home at Lowell, and outside of the congressional district in which that city is situated. When autumn came we struck the tent, and afterwards I spent the winter at Washington before the courts there. In 1866 we returned to our tent, and in fishing and fowling spent another summer delightfully. That fall came the elec
is residence was about forty miles from my home at Lowell, and outside of the congressional district in which that city is situated. When autumn came we struck the tent, and afterwards I spent the winter at Washington before the courts there. In 1866 we returned to our tent, and in fishing and fowling spent another summer delightfully. That fall came the election for representatives to Congress. I had no wish or desire to antagonize the sitting member from the Lowell district, the Hon. Geoarge number of soldiers wounded and disabled in the line of duty, who had no homes in which they could be properly cared for and no places of refuge at all competent for their condition, save the almshouses of the cities, counties, and States. In 1866 Congress established a national asylum for the relief of the disabled volunteer officers and men, and appointed a Board of Managers to take charge of the same. Of this board I was president and executive officer, which position I continued to hol
nhibition upon any citizen of the State being elected to Congress to represent any part of the State. So I got my certificate in due form, and entered Congress in 1867. The Hon. Schuyler Colfax was elected speaker of the House. I was put upon the committee on appropriations, and devoted myself to the duties of that committee and I thought, as I had given ten years to the country in Congress, I had done all that should be required of me. But to return to my position in Congress. In 1867 the question of the impeachment of Andrew Johnson began to be discussed. Indeed, its discussion was in large part rendered possible by his performances in a westey that nothing should be said or done to give a foundation for any such suspicion against its President — certainly not without the most overwhelming proofs. In 1867 there was pending before Congress a proposition so to change the law as to pay the issue of five-twenty bonds of the United States to the amount of fifteen thousan
disabled in the line of duty, who had no homes in which they could be properly cared for and no places of refuge at all competent for their condition, save the almshouses of the cities, counties, and States. In 1866 Congress established a national asylum for the relief of the disabled volunteer officers and men, and appointed a Board of Managers to take charge of the same. Of this board I was president and executive officer, which position I continued to hold for some fourteen years. In 1871 I had a desire to know two things: First, whether having been a consistent Republican and acting with that party, the opposition towards me evinced in all my campaigns for Congress had ceased; and secondly, whether I had not a right to aspire to be governor of my State. Therefore I offered myself to the Republican party as a candidate for the nomination for that office. Upon the contest before the election I was not unfairly beaten by the Hon. William B. Washburn, who was nominated by a sma
stent Republican and acting with that party, the opposition towards me evinced in all my campaigns for Congress had ceased; and secondly, whether I had not a right to aspire to be governor of my State. Therefore I offered myself to the Republican party as a candidate for the nomination for that office. Upon the contest before the election I was not unfairly beaten by the Hon. William B. Washburn, who was nominated by a small majority over me, and whose election I supported as I ought. In 1873, supposing that I had gauged the strength of the opposition, I presented myself again as a candidate for the nomination against Governor Washburn. He had some advantage over me in the fact that he had been governor two years. At the primary meetings for the election of delegates to the convention more than a majority of the delegates elected were in my favor. The State Central Committee, who were bitterly opposed to me, organized the convention against me. They got up contesting delegations
least, I was so assured by the Republican State Committee, and as the Republican National Committee wanted my services in Indiana, and promised to Views at General Butler's home at Lowell. Library. take care of my district, I spent many weeks in the Western States. I spoke on the platform there and made a great many personal friends whether I made any Republican votes or not. But I returned only to find that in the meantime my district had been stolen away from me. This was in the year 1874, the off congressional year. It was the year of the first congressional election after the inauguration of the President, and according to the almost universal law the administration was beaten, and there was an opposition majority in the House, many of the congressional districts having changed from the Republican to the Democratic party. My friends were very much more chagrined than myself. They gathered around me and said they would see that I was nominated and elected from that distr
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