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Fort Pickens (Florida, United States) (search for this): chapter 3.35
ties, in the abiding hope that it would be removed without compelling a collision of forces. Fort Pickens, on one side of the entrance to the harbor of Pensacola, was also occupied by a garrison of Uf the Confederates. Communication by sea was not entirely precluded, however, in the case of Fort Pickens; the garrison had been strengthened, and a fleet of federal men-of-war was lying outside of tion of Fort Sumter within a few days from March 15, and not to disturb the existing status at Fort Pickens. Moreover, this was not the mere statement of a fact, but a pledge, given as the consideratient informed them he had just been advised by General Scott that it was expedient to evacuate Fort Pickens, as well as Fort Sumter, which last was assumed at military headquarters to be a determined fg status prejudicial to the Confederate States; that, in the event of any change in regard to Fort Pickens, notice would be given to the Commissioners. The crooked path of diplomacy can scarcely fu
Alabama (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 3.35
e friends of peace, and the hope of settling by negotiation the questions involved in their occupation had been one of the most urgent motives for the prompt dispatch of the commissioners to Washington. The letter of the commissioners to Seward was written, as we have seen, on March 12. The oral message above mentioned was obtained and communicated to the commissioners through the agency of two judges of the Supreme Court of the United States—Justices Nelson of New York and Campbell of Alabama. On March 15, according to the statement of Judge Campbell, See letter of Judge Campbell to Colonel George W. Munford in Papers of the Southern historical Society, appended to Southern Magazine for February, 1874. Justice Nelson visited the Secretaries of State and of the Treasury and the Attorney General (Seward, Chase, and Bates), to dissuade them from undertaking to put in execution any policy of coercion. During the term of the Supreme Court he had very carefully examined the laws
Fort Barrancas (Florida, United States) (search for this): chapter 3.35
the attempt made in January to reenforce it by means of the Star of the West. This standing menace at the gates of the chief harbor of South Carolina had been tolerated by the government and people of that state, and afterward by the Confederate authorities, in the abiding hope that it would be removed without compelling a collision of forces. Fort Pickens, on one side of the entrance to the harbor of Pensacola, was also occupied by a garrison of United States troops, while the two forts (Barrancas and McRee) on the other side were in possession of the Confederates. Communication by sea was not entirely precluded, however, in the case of Fort Pickens; the garrison had been strengthened, and a fleet of federal men-of-war was lying outside of the harbor. The condition of affairs at these forts—especially at Fort Sumter—was a subject of anxiety with the friends of peace, and the hope of settling by negotiation the questions involved in their occupation had been one of the most urgent
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 3.35
lanation of my desire that the commission, or at least a part of it, should reach Washington before the close of Buchanan's term, that I had received an intimation from him, through a distinguished Senator of one of the border states, Hunter of Virginia. that he would be happy to receive a commissioner or commissioners from the Confederate States, and would refer to the Senate any communication that might be made through such a commission. Crawford—now a judge of the Supreme Court of Georgia, and the only surviving member of the commission—in a manuscript account, which he has kindly furnished, of his recollections of events connected with it, says that, on arriving in Washington at the early hour of half-past 4 o'clock in the morning, he was surprised to see Pennsylvania Avenue, from the old National to Willard's Hotel, crowded with men hurrying, some toward the former, but most of the faces in the direction of the latter, where the new President [Mr. Lincoln, President-elect]
er to Seward of April 13, 1861 (see Appendix L), written a few days after the transaction, gives this date. In his letter to Colonel Munford, written more than twelve years afterward, he says Sunday, April 8th. The very next day (the 8th) the following official notification (without date or signature) was read to Governor Pickens of South Carolina, and General Beauregard, in Charleston, by Chew, an official of the State Department (Seward's) in Washington, who said—as did a Captain or Lieutenant Talbot, who accompanied him —that it was from the President of the United States, and delivered by him to Chew on the 6th—the day before Mr. Seward's assurance of faith fully kept. I am directed by the President of the United States to notify you to expect an attempt will be made to supply Fort Sumter with provisions only; and that, if such an attempt be not resisted, no effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition, will be made, without further notice, or in case of an attack upon the for<
as obtained and communicated to the commissioners through the agency of two judges of the Supreme Court of the United States—Justices Nelson of New York and Campbell of Alabama. On March 15, according to the statement of Judge Campbell, See letter of Judge Campbell to Colonel George W. Munford in Papers of the Southern historical Society, appended to Southern Magazine for February, 1874. Justice Nelson visited the Secretaries of State and of the Treasury and the Attorney General (Seward, Chase, and Bates), to dissuade them from undertaking to put in execution any policy of coercion. During the term of the Supreme Court he had very carefully examined the laws of the United States to enable him to attain his conclusions, and from time to time he had consulted the Chief Justice [Taney] upon the questions which his examination had suggested. His conclusion was that, without very serious violations of Constitution and statutes, coercion could not be successfully effected by the execu
Montgomery Blair (search for this): chapter 3.35
follows: On the 12th of March I received a telegram from Postmaster—General Blair to come to Washington. I arrived there on the 13th. Mr. Blair having been acqMr. Blair having been acquainted with the proposition I presented to General Scott, under Mr. Buchanan's Administration, sent for me to tender the same to Mr. Lincoln, informing me that Lieuised the President that the fort could not be relieved, and must be given up. Mr. Blair took me at once to the White House, and I explained the plan to the President there was great opposition to any attempt at relieving Fort Sumter, and that Mr. Blair alone sustained the President in his policy of refusing to yield, I judged thollowed the announcement of the amazing recommendation of General Scott, when Mr. Blair, who had been much annoyed by the vacillating course of the General-in-Chief lics are not in the original. This account is confirmed by a letter of Montgomery Blair. Ibid., pp. 64-69. The date of the announcement of the President's final
made in January to reenforce it by means of the Star of the West. This standing menace at the gates of the chief harbor of South Carolina had been tolerated by the government and people of that state, and afterward by the Confederate authorities, in the abiding hope that it would be removed without compelling a collision of forces. Fort Pickens, on one side of the entrance to the harbor of Pensacola, was also occupied by a garrison of United States troops, while the two forts (Barrancas and McRee) on the other side were in possession of the Confederates. Communication by sea was not entirely precluded, however, in the case of Fort Pickens; the garrison had been strengthened, and a fleet of federal men-of-war was lying outside of the harbor. The condition of affairs at these forts—especially at Fort Sumter—was a subject of anxiety with the friends of peace, and the hope of settling by negotiation the questions involved in their occupation had been one of the most urgent motives for
John Falstaff (search for this): chapter 3.35
Judge Campbell to Seward, who appointed the ensuing Monday (April 1) for an interview and answer. At that interview Seward informed Judge Campbell that the President was concerned about the contents of the telegram—there was a point of honor involved; that Lamon had no agency from him, nor title to speak. Letter to Colonel Munford, above cited. This late suggestion of the point of honor would seem, under the circumstances, to have been made in a spirit of sarcastic pleasantry, like Sir John Falstaff's celebrated discourse on the same subject. The only substantial result of the conversation, however, was the written assurance of Seward, to be communicateed to the commissioners, that the Government will not undertake to supply Fort Sumter without giving notice to Governor Pickens. This, it will be observed, was a very material variation from the positive pledge previously given, and reiterated, to the commissioners, to Governor Pickens, and to myself directly, that the fort was
Gideon Welles (search for this): chapter 3.35
ning, it is positively certain that long before the end, and while still reiterating his assurances that the garrison would be withdrawn, he knew that it had been determined, and that active preparations were in progress, to strengthen it. Gideon Welles, who was Secretary of the Navy in Lincoln's cabinet, gives the following account of one of the transactions of the period: One evening in the latter part of the month of March, there was a small gathering at the Executive Mansion, while ties. Lincoln and Seward, New York, 1874, pp. 57, 58. The italics are not in the original. This account is confirmed by a letter of Montgomery Blair. Ibid., pp. 64-69. The date of the announcement of the President's final purpose is fixed by Welles, in the next paragraph to that above quoted, as March 28. This was four days before Seward's assurance given Judge Campbell—after conference with the President—that there would be no departure from the pledges previously given (which were that t
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