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Washington (United States) (search for this): chapter 1.36
ere not authorized to treat for peace. His final announcement to them was the following: Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C., July 18, 1864. To whom it may concern: Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity o compliance with the letter of Mr. Lincoln, of which the foregoing is a copy, you are hereby requested to proceed to Washington City for conference with him upon the subject to which it relates. . . . This draft of a commission was, upon perusal. In conformity with the letter of Mr. Lincoln, of which the foregoing is a copy, you are requested to proceed to Washington City for an informal conference with him upon the issues involved in the existing war, and for the purpose of securing pens were finally waived. The letter of Lincoln having expressed a willingness to receive any agent I might send to Washington city, a commission was appointed to go there; it was not allowed to proceed further, however, than Hampton Roads, where L
Hampton Roads (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.36
willingness to receive any agent I might send to Washington city, a commission was appointed to go there; it was not allowed to proceed further, however, than Hampton Roads, where Lincoln, accompanied by Seward, met the commissioners. Seward craftily proposed that the conference should be confidential, and the commissioners regar in Europe most effectively favoring our recognition. Why Lincoln changed his purpose and, instead of receiving the commissioners at Washington, met them at Hampton Roads, I cannot, of course, explain. Several causes may be conjecturally assigned. The commissioners were well known in Washington, had there held high positions, of the United States, upon the subject mentioned in the letter. The conference was granted and took place on the 30th ult., on board of a steamer anchored in Hampton Roads, where we met President Lincoln and the Hon. Mr. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States. It continued for several hours, and was both full and explic
his general remarks; on the latter point, for the reason stated, the inequality of his responsibility and mine, I preferred to have no discussion. The only difficulty which he spoke of as insurmountable was that of existing engagements between European powers and the Confederate States. This point, when referred to a second time as the dreaded obstacle to a secret treaty which would terminate the war, was met by me with a statement that we had now no such complication, were free to act as to which occurred. This enabled Seward to give his own version of it in a dispatch to the United States Minister to the French government, which was calculated to create distrust of, if not hostility to, the Confederacy on the part of the power in Europe most effectively favoring our recognition. Why Lincoln changed his purpose and, instead of receiving the commissioners at Washington, met them at Hampton Roads, I cannot, of course, explain. Several causes may be conjecturally assigned. The
Fortress Monroe (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.36
at the experiment should be tried. The enemy refused to let him pass through their lines or to hold any conference with him. He was stopped before he reached Fortress Monroe. If we would break up our government, dissolve the Confederacy, disband our armies, emancipate our slaves, take an oath of allegiance binding ourselves to e had finished, I inquired as to his main proposition, the cessation of hostilities and the union of the military forces for the common purpose of maintaining the Monroe doctrine—how that object was to be reached. He said that both the political parties of the United States asserted the Monroe doctrine as a cardinal point of their the bitter waters, and another bond than that of former memories and interests. This was supposed to be contained in the proposed common effort to maintain the Monroe doctrine on the American Continent. It was evident that he counted on the disintegration of the Confederate States if the war continued, and that in any event he
Richmond (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.36
ntgomery County, Maryland, for permission to visit Richmond for certain personal objects. This was conceded to him. On January 12, 1865, he visited me, and the following statement of our interview was immediately afterward prepared: Richmond, Virginia, January 12, 1865. Memorandum of a confidential conversation held this day with F. P. Blair of Montgomery County, Maryland. Mr. Blair stated that, not receiving an answer to his application for permission to visit Richmond, which had bee The foregoing memorandum of conversation was this day read to Mr. Blair, and altered in so far as he desired, in any respect, to change the expressions employed. Jefferson Davis. The following letter was given by me to Blair: Richmond, Virginia, January 12, 1865. F. P. Blair, Esq. Sir: I have deemed it proper and probably desirable to you to give you in this form the substance of remarks made by me to be repeated by you to President Lincoln, etc., etc. I have no disposition
Rhode Island (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.36
whom they may have granted the same. . . . Under these impressions, and declaring that the rights aforesaid can not be abridged or violated . . . we, the said delegates, in the name and in behalf of the people of the State of New York, do, by these presents, assent to and ratify the said Constitution. With this and other conditions stated in the resolution of ratification, it was accepted and approved by the other states, and New York became a member of the Union. The resolution of Rhode Island asserts the same reservation in regard to the reassumption of powers. It is unnecessary to examine here whether this reserved power exists in the states respectively or in the people; when the Confederate States seceded, it was done by the people, acting through, or in conjunction with, the state, and by that power which is expressly reserved to them in the Constitution of the United States. When Lincoln, therefore, issued his proclamation calling for seventy-five thousand men to subj
Alabama (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.36
commission of three persons, eminent in position and intelligence, was accordingly appointed to visit Canada with a view to negotiation with such persons in the North as might be relied upon to aid the attainment of peace. The commission was designed to facilitate such preliminary conditions as might lead to formal negotiations between the two governments, and they were expected to make judicious use of any political opportunity that might be presented. The commissioners—Messrs. Clay of Alabama, Holcombe of Virginia, and Thompson of Mississippi—established themselves at Niagara Falls in July, and on the 12th commenced a correspondence with Horace Greeley of New York. Through him they sought a safe conduct to Washington. Lincoln at first appeared to favor an interview, but finally refused on the ground that the commissioners were not authorized to treat for peace. His final announcement to them was the following: Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C., July 18, 1864. To who
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.36
rs. It should be remembered that mankind composes one uniform order of beings, and thus the language of arbitrary power has the same signification in all ages. When Major Pitcairn marched the British soldiers upon the common at Lexington in Massachusetts on April 19, 1775, and, drawing his sword, rushed upon the little line of Continentals, exclaiming: Disperse, ye rebels! throw down your arms and disperse! he expressed the same conditions which were offered to us in all our negotiations wice of his ends. The next movement relating to the accommodation of differences occurred in July, 1864, and consisted in the appearance at Richmond of Colonel James F. Jacques of the Seventy-eighth Illinois Infantry, and James R. Gilmore of Massachusetts, soliciting an interview with me. They stated that they had no official character or authority, but were fully possessed of the views of the United States government, relative to an adjustment of the differences existing between the North and
Robert Ould (search for this): chapter 1.36
he Seventy-eighth Illinois Infantry, and James R. Gilmore of Massachusetts, soliciting an interview with me. They stated that they had no official character or authority, but were fully possessed of the views of the United States government, relative to an adjustment of the differences existing between the North and the South, and did not doubt that a free interchange of views would open the way to official negotiations, etc. They had crossed our lines through a letter of General Grant to Colonel Ould, commissioner for the exchange of prisoners. The Secretary of State, Benjamin, to whom they were conducted, accompanied them to my office. Colonel Jacques expressed the ardent desire he felt, in common with the men of their army, for a restoration of peace, using such emphatic terms as that the men would go home in double-quick time if they could only see peace restored. Gilmore addressed me, and in a few minutes conveyed the information that the two gentlemen had come to Richmond imp
his hope proved well founded, that Mr. Lincoln would now agree to a conference for the purpose of entering into negotiations. He affirmed that Mr. Lincoln did not sympathize with the radical men who desired the devastation and subjugation of the Southern States, but that he was unable to control the extreme party, which now had great power in the Congress, and would at the next session have still more; referred to the existence of two parties in the Cabinet, to the reluctant nomination of Mr. Chase to be Chief-Justice, etc. For himself, he avowed an earnest desire to stop the further effusion of blood, as one every drop of whose blood was Southern. He expressed the hope that the pride, the power, and the honor of the Southern States should suffer no shock; looked to the extension of Southern territory even to the Isthmus of Darien, and hoped, if his views found favor, that his wishes would be realized; reiterated the idea of State sovereignty, with illustrations, and accepted the re
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