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John Quincy Adams (search for this): chapter 85
tchless ability, make it, in this tight, the white plume of Navarre, has again and again avowed its readiness to waive forms and go into convention. We have waited. We said, any thing for peace. We obeyed the magnanimous statesmanship of John Quincy Adams. Let me read you his advice, given at the Jubilee of the Constitution, to the New York Historical Society, in the year 1839, he says: Recognizing this right of the people of a State--mark you, not a State, the Constitution knows no States; the right of revolution knows no States; it knows only the people. Mr. Adams says: The people of each State in the Union have a right to secede from the Confederated Union itself. Thus stands the right. But the indissoluble link of union between the people of the several States of this Confederated Nation is, after all, not in the right, but in the heart. If the day should ever come (may Heaven avert it) when the affections of the people of these States shall be alienated from ea
Quincy Adams (search for this): chapter 85
keep slaves under the feet of Jefferson Davis? (Many voices--No, never. ) In 1842, Gov. Wise, of Virginia, the symbol of the South, entered into argument with Quincy Adams, who carried Plymouth Rock to Washington. (Applause.) It was when Joshua Giddings offered his resolution stating his Constitutional doctrine that Congress had no right to interfere, in any event, in any way, with the Slavery of the Southern States. Plymouth Rock refused to vote for it. Mr, Adams said (substantially,) If foreign war comes, if civil war comes, if insurrection comes, is this beleaguered capital, is this besieged Government to see millions of its subjects in arms, and haves been on record, spoken by the lips of her most moderate, wisest, coolest, most patriotic son. (Applause.) When the South cannonaded Fort Sumter, the bones of Adams stirred in his coffin. (Cheers.) And you might have heard him, from that granite grave, at Quincy, proclaim to the nation, The hour has struck! Seize the thunder
of the masses, on the honesty and wisdom of statesmen as a class. Perhaps we did not give weight enough to the fact we saw, that this nation is made up of different ages; not homogeneous, but a mixed mass of different centuries. The North thinks — can appreciate argument — it is the Nineteenth Century — hardly any struggle left in it but that between the working class and the money kings. The South dreams — it is the thirteenth and fourteenth century — baron and serf — noble and slave. Jack Cade and Wat Tyler loom over the horizon, and the serf rising calls for another Thierry to record his struggle. There the fagot still burns which the Doctors of the Sorbonne called, ages ago, the best light to guide the erring. There men are tortured for opinions, the only punishment the Jesuits were willing their pupils should look on. This is, perhaps, too flattering a picture of the South. Better call her, as Sumner does, the Barbarous States. Our struggle, therefore, is no struggle
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 85
le to show that ‘89 meant Justice, and there is something better than life in such an hour as this. And, again, we must remember another thing — the complication of such a struggle as this. Bear with me a moment. We put five hundred thousand men on the banks of the Potomac. Virginia is held by two races, white and black. Suppose those black men flare in our faces the Declaration of Independence. What are we to say? Are we to send Northern bayonets to keep slaves under the feet of Jefferson Davis? (Many voices--No, never. ) In 1842, Gov. Wise, of Virginia, the symbol of the South, entered into argument with Quincy Adams, who carried Plymouth Rock to Washington. (Applause.) It was when Joshua Giddings offered his resolution stating his Constitutional doctrine that Congress had no right to interfere, in any event, in any way, with the Slavery of the Southern States. Plymouth Rock refused to vote for it. Mr, Adams said (substantially,) If foreign war comes, if civil war comes, i
Archibald Dixon (search for this): chapter 85
at they have adopted, and I will recognize the revolution. (Cheers.) But the moment you tread outside of the Constitution, the black man is not three-fifths of a man — he is a whole one. (Loud cheering.) Yes, the South has a right to secede; the South has a right to model her Government; and the moment she will show us four millions of black votes thrown even against it, I will acknowledge the Declaration of Independence is complied with (Loud applause)--that the people, south of Mason and Dixon's line, have remodeled their government to suit themselves: and our function is only to recognize it. I say, the North had a right to assume this position. She did not. She had a right to ignore revolution until this condition was complied with; and she did not. She waived it. In obedience to the advice of Madison, to the long history of her country's forbearance, to the magnanimity of nineteen States, she waited; she advised the Government to wait. Mr. Lincoln, in his inaugural, indica
Doc. 81.--discourse of Wendell Phillips. Therefore, thus saith the Lord: Ye have not hearkened unto me in proclaiming liberty every one to his brother, and every man to his neighbor; behold, I proclaim a liberty for you, saith the Lord, to the sword, to the pestilence, and to the famine.--Jer. XXXIV. 17. Many times this winter, here and elsewhere, I have counselled peace — urged, as well as I knew how, the expediency of acknowledging a Southern Confederacy, and the peaceful separation of these thirty-four States. One of the journals announces to you that I come here this morning to retract these opinions. No, not one of them [Applause.] I need them all — every word I have spoken this winter — every act of twenty-five years of my life, to make the welcome I give this war hearty and hot. Civil war is a momentous evil. It needs the soundest, most solemn justification. I rejoice before God to-day for every word that I have spoken counselling peace; and I rejoice with an esp<
Joshua Giddings (search for this): chapter 85
ent. We put five hundred thousand men on the banks of the Potomac. Virginia is held by two races, white and black. Suppose those black men flare in our faces the Declaration of Independence. What are we to say? Are we to send Northern bayonets to keep slaves under the feet of Jefferson Davis? (Many voices--No, never. ) In 1842, Gov. Wise, of Virginia, the symbol of the South, entered into argument with Quincy Adams, who carried Plymouth Rock to Washington. (Applause.) It was when Joshua Giddings offered his resolution stating his Constitutional doctrine that Congress had no right to interfere, in any event, in any way, with the Slavery of the Southern States. Plymouth Rock refused to vote for it. Mr, Adams said (substantially,) If foreign war comes, if civil war comes, if insurrection comes, is this beleaguered capital, is this besieged Government to see millions of its subjects in arms, and have no right to break the fetters which they are forging into swords? No; the war po
George H. Grant (search for this): chapter 85
bor of Charleston settled, and that is, that there never can be a compromise. (Loud applause.) We Abolitionists have doubted whether this Union really meant Justice and Liberty. We have doubted the honest intention of nineteen millions of people. They have said, in answer to our criticism,--We believe that the Fathers meant to establish justice. We believe that there are hidden in the armory of the Constitution weapons strong enough to secure it. We are willing yet to try the experiment, Grant us time. We have doubted, derided the pretence, as we supposed. During these long and weary weeks, we have waited to hear the Northern conscience assert its purpose. It comes at last. (An impressive pause.) Massachusetts blood has consecrated the pavements of Baltimore, and those stones are now too sacred to be trodden by slaves. (Loud cheers.) You and I owe it to those young martyrs, you and I owe it, that their blood shall be the seed of no mere empty triumph, but that the negro s
Alexander Hamilton (search for this): chapter 85
n, could rob Florida or Louisiana of her right to remodel her Government whenever the people found it would be for their happiness. So far, right. the people — mark you! South Carolina presents herself to the Administration at Washington, and says, There is a vote of my Convention, that I go out of the Union. I cannot see you, says Abraham Lincoln. (Loud cheers.) As President, I have no eyes but. constitutional eyes; I cannot see you. (Renewed cheers.) He was right. But Madison said, Hamilton said, the Fathers said, in 1789, No man but an enemy of liberty will ever stand on technicalities and forms, when the essence is in question. Abraham Lincoln could not see the Commissioners of South Carolina,: but the North could; the nation could; and the nation responded, If you want a Constitutional Secession, such as you claim, but which I repudiate, I will waive forms — let us meet in convention, and we will arrange it. (Applause.) Surely, while one claims a right within the Constitu
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 85
do. I have always believed in the sincerity of Abraham Lincoln. You have heard me express my confidence in itother. The South opened this with cannon shot, and Lincoln shows himself at the door. [Prolonged and enthusia stores of the North to be stolen with impunity. Mr. Lincoln took office robbed of all the means to defend theinch towards acknowledging secession; that when Abraham Lincoln swore to support the Constitution and laws of tn of the United States--it is an absurdity; and Abraham Lincoln knows nothing, has a right to know nothing, but I go out of the Union. I cannot see you, says Abraham Lincoln. (Loud cheers.) As President, I have no eyes bes and forms, when the essence is in question. Abraham Lincoln could not see the Commissioners of South Caroli she waited; she advised the Government to wait. Mr. Lincoln, in his inaugural, indicated that this would be the bunting cover Fort Sumter. They said Amen, when Lincoln stood alone, without arms, in a defenceless Capital
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