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Scotland (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 17
in a difficult position, and seems disposed to take the ground of non-committal, publicly, respecting the controversy which is going on in the United States. Garrison, Rogers, and Remond in the company of Thompson made a delightful trip into Scotland at this time. Everywhere the American Abolitionists were met with distinguished attentions. Though I like England much, on many accounts, Garrison writes home in high spirits, I can truly say that I like Scotland better. An instance, which maScotland better. An instance, which may be coupled with that one furnished by Haydon, occurred during this Scottish tour, and illustrates strongly the kind of stuff of which he was made. On his way to the great public reception tendered the American delegates by the Glasgow Emancipation Society, a placard with the caption, Have we no white slaves? was put into his hands. Upon acquainting himself with its contents he determined to read it to the meeting, and to make it the text of remarks when he was called upon to address the mee
nasmuch as his spiritual life dropped the aspirate of the non-essentials of religious forms and observances. But the good man had his compensation as well as his trials. Such of a very noble kind was the great Irish address brought over from Ireland by Remond in December 1841. It was signed by Daniel O'Connell, Father Mathew, and sixty thousand Roman Catholics of Ireland, who called upon the Irish Roman Catholics of America to make the cause of the slaves of the United States their cause. Ireland, who called upon the Irish Roman Catholics of America to make the cause of the slaves of the United States their cause. Large expectations of Irish assistance in the anti-slavery agitation were excited in the bosoms of Abolitionists by this imposing appeal. Garrison shared the high hopes of its beneficent influence upon the Ireland of America, with many others. Alas! for the best laid schemes of mice and men, for the new Ireland was not populated with saints, but a fiercely human race who had come to their new home to better their own condition, not that of the negro. Hardly had they touched these shores bef
George Thompson (search for this): chapter 17
his groupings of heads he decided to place together the Rev. John Scoble, George Thompson and Charles Lenox Remond. When Scoble sat to him, Haydon told him of his ce, as it would have much greater effect. The painter now applied his test to Thompson who saw no objection. Thompson did not bear the test to Haydon's satisfactionThompson did not bear the test to Haydon's satisfaction, who observed that A man who wishes to place the negro on a level must no longer regard him as having been a slave, and feel annoyed at sitting by his side. But wh him, Haydon records with obvious pleasure, and he met me at once directly. Thompson was not altogether satisfactory to Garrison either during this visit as the following extract from one of his letters to his wife evinces: Dear Thompson has not been strengthened to do battle for us, as I had confidently hoped he would be. He iing on in the United States. Garrison, Rogers, and Remond in the company of Thompson made a delightful trip into Scotland at this time. Everywhere the American Ab
John Scoble (search for this): chapter 17
as of the human form, made the discovery of a fact which at first surprised and angered him. In making his groupings of heads he decided to place together the Rev. John Scoble, George Thompson and Charles Lenox Remond. When Scoble sat to him, Haydon told him of his design in this regard. But, remarked Haydon, Scoble sophisticatScoble sat to him, Haydon told him of his design in this regard. But, remarked Haydon, Scoble sophisticated immediately on the propriety of placing the negro in the distance, as it would have much greater effect. The painter now applied his test to Thompson who saw no objection. Thompson did not bear the test to Haydon's satisfaction, who observed that A man who wishes to place the negro on a level must no longer regard him as haviScoble sophisticated immediately on the propriety of placing the negro in the distance, as it would have much greater effect. The painter now applied his test to Thompson who saw no objection. Thompson did not bear the test to Haydon's satisfaction, who observed that A man who wishes to place the negro on a level must no longer regard him as having been a slave, and feel annoyed at sitting by his side. But when the artist approached Garrison on the subject it was wholly different. I asked him, Haydon records with obvious pleasure, and he met me at once directly. Thompson was not altogether satisfactory to Garrison either during this visit as the following extract fr
Nathaniel P. Rogers (search for this): chapter 17
re forced in consequence of this decision to look on from the galleries. Garrison, who with Charles Lenox Remond, Nathaniel P. Rogers, and William Adams, was late in arriving in England, finding, on reaching London the women excluded from the convention which discredited the credentials of Lucretia Mott and her sister delegates, had discredited his own also. Remond, Rogers, and Adams followed his example and took their places with the rejected women delegates likewise. The convention was scake the ground of non-committal, publicly, respecting the controversy which is going on in the United States. Garrison, Rogers, and Remond in the company of Thompson made a delightful trip into Scotland at this time. Everywhere the American Abolitthousand Garrisonians in Nantucket! Here is another picture of Garrison in the lecturefield. It is from the pen of N. P. Rogers, with whom he was making a week's tour among the White Mountains, interspersing the same with anti-slavery meetings.
Frederick Douglass (search for this): chapter 17
he return of Collins in the summer of 1841, revival meetings and conventions started up with increased activity, the fruits of which were of a most cheering character. At Nantucket, Garrison made a big catch in his anti-slavery net. It was Frederick Douglass, young, callow, and awkward, but with his splendid and inimitable gifts flashing through all as he, for the first time in his life, addressed an audience of white people. Garrison, with the instinct of leadership, saw at once the value of the runaway slave's oratorical possibilities in their relations to the anti-slavery movement. It was at his instance that Collins added Douglass to the band of anti-slavery agents. The new agent has preserved his recollections of the pioneer's speech on that eventful evening in Nantucket. Says he: Mr. Garrison followed me, taking me as his text; and now, whether I had made an eloquent plea in behalf of freedom or not, his was one never to be forgotten. Those who had heard him oftenest, and h
rers. After reading the interrogation, I said in reply: No-broad as is the empire, and extensive as are the possessions of Great Britain, not a single white slave can be found in them all ; and I then went on to show the wide difference that exists between the condition of human beings who are held and treated as chattels personal, and that of those who are only suffering from certain forms of political injustice or governmental oppression . . . . But, I said, although it is not true that England has any white slaves, either at home or abroad, is it not true that there are thousands of her population, both at home and abroad, who are deprived of their just rights, who are grievously oppressed, who are dying even in the midst of abundance, of actual starvation? Yes! and I expressly called upon British Abolitionists to prove themselves the true friends of suffering humanity abroad, by showing that they were the best friend of suffering humanity at home. Truth, justice, duty, always
William Adams (search for this): chapter 17
ion, refused to admit the women delegates. The women delegates instead of having seats on the floor were forced in consequence of this decision to look on from the galleries. Garrison, who with Charles Lenox Remond, Nathaniel P. Rogers, and William Adams, was late in arriving in England, finding, on reaching London the women excluded from the convention and sitting as spectators in the galleries, determined to take his place among them, deeming that the act of the convention which discredited the credentials of Lucretia Mott and her sister delegates, had discredited his own also. Remond, Rogers, and Adams followed his example and took their places with the rejected women delegates likewise. The convention was scandalized at such proceedings, and did its best to draw Garrison and his associates from the ladies in the galleries to the men on the floor, but without avail. There they remained an eloquent protest against the masculine narrowness of the convention. Defeated in New Yo
Daniel O'Connell (search for this): chapter 17
as essentials enter, the former to the latter in the proportion of two to one. It is not surprising, therefore, that Garrison's essentials proved unequal to the test set up by sectarianism, inasmuch as his spiritual life dropped the aspirate of the non-essentials of religious forms and observances. But the good man had his compensation as well as his trials. Such of a very noble kind was the great Irish address brought over from Ireland by Remond in December 1841. It was signed by Daniel O'Connell, Father Mathew, and sixty thousand Roman Catholics of Ireland, who called upon the Irish Roman Catholics of America to make the cause of the slaves of the United States their cause. Large expectations of Irish assistance in the anti-slavery agitation were excited in the bosoms of Abolitionists by this imposing appeal. Garrison shared the high hopes of its beneficent influence upon the Ireland of America, with many others. Alas! for the best laid schemes of mice and men, for the new I
religious forms and observances. But the good man had his compensation as well as his trials. Such of a very noble kind was the great Irish address brought over from Ireland by Remond in December 1841. It was signed by Daniel O'Connell, Father Mathew, and sixty thousand Roman Catholics of Ireland, who called upon the Irish Roman Catholics of America to make the cause of the slaves of the United States their cause. Large expectations of Irish assistance in the anti-slavery agitation were uite one thing to preach Abolitionism with three thousand miles of sea-wall between one and his audience, and quite another to rise and do the preaching with no sea-wall to guard the preacher from the popular consequences of his preaching, as Father Mathew quickly perceived and reduced to practice eight years later, when he made his memorable visit to this country. In vain was the monster document unrolled in Faneuil Hall, and many Abolitionists with Irish blood were put forward to sweep the c
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