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America (Netherlands) (search for this): chapter 193
every run-away American negro who managed to reach England, and imploring Britons no longer to use slavegrown cotton and sugar, you now take sides with the nigger-driving secessionists of the rebel States, who are trying to break down freedom in America, and extend the area of that accursed institution, and sanctify the revival of the African slavetrade. You are threatening war against the United States unless we will surrender two intercepted traitors on their way to your abolition arms and sility and inhumanity at any other period of our history since the Peace of 1815. No other thoughts can suggest themselves to impartial men that, while we were going through a domestic trouble,—a great trouble, which filled every true heart in America or elsewhere with a sadness which dragged us down to the depths of the earth. Little did England then dream, that within eight short years—and chiefly through the influence of Charles Sumner—she would be forced to yield to arbitration, and b<
moral pocket-handkerchiefs and religious fine tooth-combs to the overseer's lash and the unleashed bloodhound,—from the maintenance of free institutions to their overthrow,—from civilization to barbarism,–from liberty to bondage. In 1840, Mr. Stephenson, our Virginia slave-breeding Ambassador near the Court of St. James, became so odious that no chance to snub or insult him was lost by the British Government. Mr. Adams, holding that same post, and embellishing it with all the great and noble qualities of illuminated talents and Christian philanthropy, was treated with far more neglect and far less cordiality by the same class which pretended to despise Stephenson and feted Harriet Beecher Stowe. Then England complained of our remissness or shirking in not doing our share towards putting down the slave-trade. Now all her sympathies were with the supporters of slavery itself, which was the only support of slavery on the earth; and her ship-yards and arsenals were taxed to the<
C. Edwards Lester (search for this): chapter 193
hese can now enter your heart as an English statesman? We cannot believe it. Can you desire to put one more great trouble on the heart of your beloved, widowed queen? We will not believe it. My lord, you should be engaged in doing some good to the people of your own empire, rather than in trying to hurt a great, a kindred, and a friendly nation. After attempting so long to be a statesman, do not finish by being only a ministerial bully. I am, my lord, your obedient servant, C. Edwards Lester. No jurist will pretend to say that in all this she did not violate the spirit, if not the letter, of her own laws of neutrality, and the laws of nations. No intelligent man will deny that by these acts she prolonged and inflamed that accursed war. No man in his senses supposes for a moment that England would have ventured on such a course of hostility and inhumanity at any other period of our history since the Peace of 1815. No other thoughts can suggest themselves to impartial
if an out, you have brawled for Freedom and Free Governments; if an in, you have resorted to the very last trick to keep there. You have, if an out, always paraded your friendship for the United States, and virulently assailed any Tory or Conservative ministry. In again, you first veered, then hesitated, then tacked, and then attacked us, our Government, and all American things. You know our Republic has never had any fair play from any ministry except the Tories or Conservatives. All Americans involuntarily say of British politicians of your stripe, Save us from our friends, and we will take care of our enemies. But you have reserved the meanest and most bare-faced tergiversation of your public life till you were pressing the verge of your mortal existence. After pointing a thousand times with exultation to our great and prosperous nation, and deploring the two wars waged against us, you are now gloating over the prospect (as you deem it) of our speedy disruption and downfall.
Harriet Beecher Stowe (search for this): chapter 193
rism,–from liberty to bondage. In 1840, Mr. Stephenson, our Virginia slave-breeding Ambassador near the Court of St. James, became so odious that no chance to snub or insult him was lost by the British Government. Mr. Adams, holding that same post, and embellishing it with all the great and noble qualities of illuminated talents and Christian philanthropy, was treated with far more neglect and far less cordiality by the same class which pretended to despise Stephenson and feted Harriet Beecher Stowe. Then England complained of our remissness or shirking in not doing our share towards putting down the slave-trade. Now all her sympathies were with the supporters of slavery itself, which was the only support of slavery on the earth; and her ship-yards and arsenals were taxed to their utmost to build fleets of the strongest and swiftest steam pirates, to help the slave-driving Confederacy in sweeping our peaceful commerce from the sea, once more to inaugurate the traffic in fle
John Russell (search for this): chapter 193
nd, from the first hour, gave to the Rebellion all the aid and comfort it dared to furnish our enemies, in their atrocious attempt to immolate liberty, and enthrone slavery in the Western world! It has amazed those who were familiar with Lord John Russell's public history that he should have trifled so heartlessly with the great issues of civilization and free government at stake in this Rebellion. This shuffling cost him the confidence of the great middle class in England and the respect ong war against the United States unless we will surrender two intercepted traitors on their way to your abolition arms and sympathies, the chiefest emissaries which the slavery you have always pretended to hate, could send to your shores. O John Russell! how unworthy is all this of the descendant of your great ancestor, who sealed with his blood on the scaffold his life-long devotion to the cause of justice and human freedom! Why must you, just as you are ending your career, rob your proud
Xlii. This English crusade against the United States was got up by the British aristocracy in sheer animosity against our Government,—not so much, perhaps, against our people, chiefly because they cared nothing about them. It was our system of government they hated, because it was a standing, growing, and luminous reproof of the blighting and degrading system of England, which starves the masses of her people in order that the privileged few may die of surfeit. Blackwood's Magazine, an authority not likely to be charged with hostility towards the British oligarchy, nor with favoritism towards our republic, said in speaking on this same subject in the same year—1840— It were well if some ingenious optician could invent an instrument which would remedy the defects of that long-sighted benevolence which sweeps the field for distant objects of compassion, while it is blind as a bat to the misery around its own doors. Well said! I saw and felt it all when I went through th<
Charles Francis Adams (search for this): chapter 193
ritish sympathy was shifted from the slave and lavished on his master,—from moral pocket-handkerchiefs and religious fine tooth-combs to the overseer's lash and the unleashed bloodhound,—from the maintenance of free institutions to their overthrow,—from civilization to barbarism,–from liberty to bondage. In 1840, Mr. Stephenson, our Virginia slave-breeding Ambassador near the Court of St. James, became so odious that no chance to snub or insult him was lost by the British Government. Mr. Adams, holding that same post, and embellishing it with all the great and noble qualities of illuminated talents and Christian philanthropy, was treated with far more neglect and far less cordiality by the same class which pretended to despise Stephenson and feted Harriet Beecher Stowe. Then England complained of our remissness or shirking in not doing our share towards putting down the slave-trade. Now all her sympathies were with the supporters of slavery itself, which was the only suppor
Louis Napoleon (search for this): chapter 193
s,—now twenty-fold more numerous than in 1812, when you found them too fleet and too strong for you?—Before you encountered, in addition to two millions of our native soldiers and sailors, half a million of adopted citizens,—able-bodied men, formerly British subjects, and burning to avenge the wrongs of centuries inflicted on their devoted Island? My lord, do you plead that the exigencies of statesmanship demand that you should turn the arms of the earth against you? Do you suppose that Napoleon would lose such a chance for avenging Waterloo? Or Russia for taking Constantinople? Or all despotisms for crushing your supremacy? Or all the peoples of Europe for crushing monarchy? It would seem that England should be willing, at least, to let us manage our domestic affairs, since she has incurred a quarter of her national debt in interfering with them;—that she should not now take to her arms the foul corpse of African slavery on our soil, when it cost her five hundred million do
Charles Sumner (search for this): chapter 193
, C. Edwards Lester. No jurist will pretend to say that in all this she did not violate the spirit, if not the letter, of her own laws of neutrality, and the laws of nations. No intelligent man will deny that by these acts she prolonged and inflamed that accursed war. No man in his senses supposes for a moment that England would have ventured on such a course of hostility and inhumanity at any other period of our history since the Peace of 1815. No other thoughts can suggest themselves to impartial men that, while we were going through a domestic trouble,—a great trouble, which filled every true heart in America or elsewhere with a sadness which dragged us down to the depths of the earth. Little did England then dream, that within eight short years—and chiefly through the influence of Charles Sumner—she would be forced to yield to arbitration, and branded by an impartial Tribunal as a public enemy of the United States, and condemned to pay exemplary damages for her
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