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Springfield (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 15
now she arms herself with the best weapon that a corrupt civilization furnishes,--all true. Where do we get these ideas? Borrowed them from capital, every one of them; and when you advance to us on the level of peace, unarmed, we'll meet you on the same. While you combine and plot and defend, so will we. But Mr. Johnson says, Come into the world with the white banner of peace. Ay, we will, when you disarm. How foolish it would have been for Grant to send home his Sharp's rifles to Springfield, and garner all his cannon in New York, and put all his monitors in the harbor of Norfolk, and go down to Virginia with eighty thousand unarmed men, to look her in the face! Labor comes up, and says, They have shotted their cannon to the lips; they have rough-ground their swords as in battle; they have adopted every new method; they have invented every dangerous machine,--and it is all planted like a great park of artillery against us. They have incorporated wealth; they have hidden behi
Vermont (Vermont, United States) (search for this): chapter 15
creature that the Daily Advertiser fears. That's what Framingham proposes to bring about. But why isn't Framingham contented? Because the civilization that lingers beautifully on the hillsides of New England, nestles sweetly in the valleys of Vermont, the moment it approaches a crowd like Boston, or a million of men gathered in one place like New York,--rots. It cannot force the crowd; it cannot stand the great centres of modern civilization. Our civilization cannot stand the city. One reason is, it has got some hidden disease. Another reason is, the moment it flows out into the broad, deep activity of the nineteenth century, it betrays its weakness, and copies Europe. The moment this sweet-scented, dew-smelling Vermont flows down into the slums of New York, it becomes like London. The moment the North gathers its forces, and goes down the Mississippi Valley into New Orleans, social science stands aghast. Modern civilization shrinks back at the terrible evil which she ca
Salem (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 15
n, that we come into politics. The other day it was my good fortune to meet that distinguished Frenchman, Monsieur Coquerel; and he asked me what was the motto of the working-men of the United States. I said to him, Short hours, better education, co-operation in the end, and in the mean time a political movement that will concentrate the thought of the country upon this thing. Now, here I take issue with the best critic which the Labor movement has met: I refer to Rev. Samuel Johnson of Salem, one of the thinkers who has spread out before the people his objections to the Labor movement of this country. His first objection is, that we will hurry into politics. Well, now, our answer to him, and to the score of other scholars who have been criticising us, is this: Gentlemen, we see the benefit of going into politics. If we had not rushed into politics, had not taken Massachusetts by the four corners and shaken her, you never would have written your criticisms. We rush into polit
France (France) (search for this): chapter 15
world. When kings wake at night, startled and aghast, they do not dream of Germany and its orderly array or forces. Aristocracy wakes up aghast at the memory of France; and when I want to find the vanguard of the people, I look to the uneasy dreams of an aristocracy, and find what they dread most. And today the conspiracy of emlliam, not the armies of United Germany; but, when the emperors come together in the centre of Europe, what plot do they lay To annihilate the Internationals, and France is the soul of the Internationals. I, for one, honor Paris; but in the name of Heaven, and with the ballot in our right hands, we shall not need to write our recasy thing to discuss, for a gentleman in his study, with no anxiety about to-morrow. Why, the ladies and gentlemen of the reign of Louis XV. and Louis XVI., in France, seated in gilded saloons and on Persian carpets, surrounded with luxury, with the products of India, and the curious manufactures of ingenious Lyons and Rheims,
New York (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 15
errible evil which she can neither fathom nor cure, just as she does in Europe. What is our cause? It is this: there are three hundred and fifty millions of human beings in what you call Christendom, and two hundred millions of them don't have enough to eat from January to December. I won't ask for culture, for opportunities for education, for travel, for society; but two hundred millions of men gathered under Christendom don't have even enough to eat. A hundred thousand men in the city of New York live in dwellings that a rich man would n't let his horse stay in a day. But that is n't anything. You should go up to beautiful Berkshire with me, into the factories there. It shall be the day after a Presidential election. I will go with you into a counting-room,--four hundred employees. The partners are sitting down, the day after a Presidential election. They take the list of workmen, and sift them out; and every man that has not voted the ticket they wanted is thrown out to
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 15
work of governing. It is no accident, no caprice of an individual, no mere shout of the political arena, that heralds to-day the great Labor movement of the United States. But in the mean time, over the horizon, looming at first and now almost touching its meridian, comes up another power,--I mean the power of wealth, the inocs. The other day it was my good fortune to meet that distinguished Frenchman, Monsieur Coquerel; and he asked me what was the motto of the working-men of the United States. I said to him, Short hours, better education, co-operation in the end, and in the mean time a political movement that will concentrate the thought of the couuch work as any men in Massachusetts or Virginia; but if George Combe had come to this country, and said, I want to see a specimen of the laboring class of the United States, I doubt whether any man would have sent him to Lemuel Shaw. I ask the critics of the Labor movement, whether any man ever misunderstood this? Every man who
Wendell Phillips (search for this): chapter 15
The foundation of the labor movement (1871) At the Labor-Reform Convention, which assembled at Worcester, September 4, 1871, Mr. Phillips presided, and presented the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted. They are, indeed, a full body of faith; and they show just where Mr. Phillips stood for the last thirteen years of his life. Platform. We affirm, as a fundamental principle, that labor, the creator of wealth, is entitled to all it creates. Affirming this, we avowMr. Phillips stood for the last thirteen years of his life. Platform. We affirm, as a fundamental principle, that labor, the creator of wealth, is entitled to all it creates. Affirming this, we avow ourselves willing to accept the final results of the operation of a principle so radical,--such as the overthrow of the whole profit-making system, the extinction of all monopolies, the abolition of privileged classes, universal education and fraternity, perfect freedom of exchange, and, best and grandest of all, the final obliteration of that foul stigma upon our so-called Christian civilization,--the poverty of the masses. Holding principles as radical as these, and having before our minds a
Daniel Webster labors. Why do you confine your party to the men that work? Well, now, we confine it because thus there is no mistake. Now, suppose you should take up a book presenting the condition of the laboring classes of Great Britain. Mr. Gladstone works harder than any other man there; Lord Brougham did more work than any other man there; Lord Palmerston, up to his eightieth year, worked hard as any man there. But if you were to take up a book on the working-men of Great Britain, do you think you would find the condition of Lord Brougham there? If you took up a book on the British laboring class, or how much they eat, what kind of houses they live in, etc., do you think you would find Gladstone's income, and the number of rooms he had in his house, and how many children he had had the last fifty years? So if an Englishman came here, and said, I want to know something about your working-men. Please let me hear it from some of themselves. Whom shall I go to? Would you se
abor is narrow I know she is aggressive; I know she arms herself with the best weapon that a corrupt civilization furnishes,--all true. Where do we get these ideas? Borrowed them from capital, every one of them; and when you advance to us on the level of peace, unarmed, we'll meet you on the same. While you combine and plot and defend, so will we. But Mr. Johnson says, Come into the world with the white banner of peace. Ay, we will, when you disarm. How foolish it would have been for Grant to send home his Sharp's rifles to Springfield, and garner all his cannon in New York, and put all his monitors in the harbor of Norfolk, and go down to Virginia with eighty thousand unarmed men, to look her in the face! Labor comes up, and says, They have shotted their cannon to the lips; they have rough-ground their swords as in battle; they have adopted every new method; they have invented every dangerous machine,--and it is all planted like a great park of artillery against us. They hav
Russell Lowell (search for this): chapter 15
orm trades-unions. To be sure we do. We say to the Chinese, Stay at home. Don't come here by importation; come by immigration. We say to the crowding millions who try to swamp our trade, Stand aloof; we won't teach you. We say to the mills of Lowell, who have turned us out of doors, We'll starve you into submission. Well, it's a narrow contest. It's an unjust, it's a cruel, it's an avaricious method. So it is. Where did we learn it? Learned it of capital, learned it of our enemies. I of mischief better than any other place. As long as they work, they are not doing worse. I cannot attend to their houses. I say to him, It seems to me you do the same for your ox. That's another significant fact of our civilization. I go to Lowell, and I say to a young girl, wandering in the streets, How is this? Well, I worked here seven years, and I thought I would leave that mill and go to another; and the corporation won't give me my ticket. I have sued them in the Supreme Court, and
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