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New York State (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
ton: My poor brother was at last released from his trials yesterday afternoon, and we shall bury him from my mother's house to-morrow at two o'clock precisely. You and Mrs. Waterston were always kind to him and to me. The funeral will be private; but I should be sorry if friends like you should not be informed of the time. If I could reach Mr. Josiah Quincy, I should let him know also. Of the five brothers, Charles alone remained; but his mother and his sister Julia were still living. Sumner was pressed to address political meetings during the autumn in New England and the West. A letter of great urgency, signed by Senators Preston King and Harris, Thurlow Weed, Governor Morgan, and Hiram Barney, besought him to give several addresses in the State of New York; he was asked to preside at the Republican State convention in Massachusetts. These requests were declined, and engagements to deliver a lecture were given up on account of the critical condition of his brother's health.
Arkansas (Arkansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
n misconstrued. They have been the chastisement and expiation imposed by Providence for our crime towards a long-suffering race. Had we succeeded early, we should not have suffered according to our deserts. We must lose other battles, and bury more children; but the result will be attained. The rebels are now famishing, and my information leads to the belief that with the overthrow of one of their large armies the bubble will burst. Only this morning I have had with me a Union man from Arkansas, who assures me that in a few weeks that State, which has always been mad for slavery, will be ready to choose members of Congress,—ready, as he expressed it, to wipe out slavery. Nothing troubles us now but England. All the rest we have measured and are prepared for. Remember, my dear friend, I am no idolater of the Union; I have never put our cause on this ground. But I hate slavery; and never through any action or non-action of mine shall a new slave-empire be allowed to come into bei
Scotia (search for this): chapter 5
to the same effect. Thus hampered by economical opinions and want of faith, he was less aggressive in our behalf than he might otherwise have been. The Duchess of Argyll wrote often to Sumner, and the duke occasionally. Both were personally sympathetic, and wished well to our country and the antislavery cause; but they had little faith, for the first two years of the war, in our success, and they believed that the South, if overcome by armies, would be unsubdued in spirit,—a very large Ireland. They explained, without justifying, currents of English opinion adverse to us; and the duke firmly resisted Sumner's contention that the British proclamation of neutrality and the demand for the surrender of Mason and Slidell were unfriendly acts. He rejected also Sumner's contention that the pro-slavery basis of the Confederacy should have affected the question of belligerency. The duchess lamented Sumner's unfriendliness to England,— a sentiment which he earnestly disavowed in his rep
Rhode Island (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
es might be forced to take as conscripts. The Secretary of War by an order, August 25, authorized Brigadier-General Saxton, commanding at Beaufort, S. C., to enlist slaves, and in January, 1863, gave a similar authority to Governor Sprague of Rhode Island and Governor Andrew of Massachusetts. With the beginning of the new year the enlistment of colored soldiers became the fixed policy of the government. To the same period belong Mr. Lincoln's proclamations of emancipation of Sept. 22, 1862, apt at the time of his address in New York, being then called home by the tidings of George's rapid decline. Longfellow and Dr. Howe were frequent visitors to their friend's room at the hospital, and George W. Greene came occasionally from his Rhode Island home. To Mrs. Waterston, Charles wrote, October 3: I should have been to see you, and also to Quincy, except that every evening I have been with my poor brother, who now is visibly passing away, so that I was obliged to forego all the gratif
Lake Providence (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
among unopened parcels a present from the United States for her husband, reserving it for her children; and she dwelt with emotion on the flags at half-mast in New York when the news of his death was received. But I doubt if history will attach to British supremacy in India an importance and sacredness comparable with the cause of antislavery, now imperilled from England. You will read the Adjutant-General's speech Address of Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant-General, to Union soldiers at Lake Providence, La., April 8, 1863, where he was organizing colored troops. to the soldiers. Our policy is fixed; there can be no retreat. Let us have the God-speed of all who hate slavery! To Mr. Cobden, April 26:— I see but one course for England. Let her act upon her antislavery history, and let the slave-mongers know that they can expect nothing from her. Say it frankly and openly, the sooner the better. Their only hope is England. Such a declaration, besides its perfect consistency wi
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 5
poses of the French government towards the United States. which I read carefully to the President, ench brig for injury in a collision with a United States war vessel, Dec. 10, 1862 (Globe, p. 52); , vol. IX. pp. 403, 404. And finally, the United States, awaiting with well-assured trust the finature of the Adela and the Peterhoff by the United States. but now again we have darkness and storm. comes which England now menaces, that the United States shall be absolutely without reproach, and among unopened parcels a present from the United States for her husband, reserving it for her chil of America. The probable division of the United States was an inherited English idea. Coleridge f Birmingham, expressing sympathy with the United States, was presented to Mr. Adams, Feb. 27, 1863ration of war by Great Britain against the United States. For weeks before I spoke, bankers and le watching Louis Napoleon than watching the United States,— so a friend writes, who dined with him a[8 more...]
Birkenhead (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 5
towards intervention, now the chief, indeed the only, hope of the rebels. He desired to exhibit to the English people, misled by their journals and public men, in the strongest light possible, the proslavery origin and character of the Confederacy, and to create against it a moral sentiment which cabinets would be obliged to respect. The occasion was exigent. The Florida and the Alabama were on the sea,—both having issued from English ports. Iron-clads building for the Confederates at Birkenhead were nearly completed. Earl Russell refused, September 1, to stop them, and Mr. Adams replied the day after receiving the refusal, This is war! The French emperor was pressing the English government to join him in intervention; and while the Cabinet held back from that step, its resistance could not be counted upon in the event of some new grievance, some new pressure of interests, or some disaster to our arms. As yet there had been no comprehensive review of our foreign relations, and
Geneva (Switzerland) (search for this): chapter 5
behalf, and to warn against the calamities for which, in case of intervention or other unfriendly action, Great Britain would be held responsible. With his early prepossessions for English life, he was sorely grieved at the course of the English government, the current of English opinion, and the unsympathetic and even hostile declarations of public men. If his warnings had been heeded in high quarters, that country would have been saved from a sad piece of history ending with the award at Geneva. The letters of Bright and Cobden frankly stated our difficulties as they appeared to the English people, and suggested points where we should be on our guard. As soon as received, Sumner read or sent them to the President. Bright from time to time applied to him for information as to our plans and policy, which would enable him to make more positive statements in our behalf, and to assure the English people that our government would persevere in its policy of freedom. Alone among em
Leith (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 5
ording to Mr. Adams, transcending the line of policy which it had agreed upon. Adams to Seward, Oct. 17, 1862. There is no way so effective in carrying opinion against a cause as to make it appear hopeless, and Mr. Gladstone chose that way. At Leith, January 11, he said: All thinking men had come to the conclusion that the party apparently the strongest had committed themselves to an enterprise which would probably prove to be beyond their strength. At Manchester, April 24, before the Chamb at hand, began to start enterprises on the strength of his prediction and supposed authority. They applied to him for a more definite statement, and he answered that he had only said pointedly at Newcastle what he had said nine months before at Leith, that the effort of the Northern States was a hopeless one; and he suggested that there was an interval between opinions and the steps which give them effect. Letters in his behalf by C. L. Ryan, October 16 and 18. London Times, October 20 and
Keokuk, Iowa (Iowa, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
st come from the President. He had expected a repulse at Charleston. Some weeks ago he revealed to me his want of confidence in the expedition, although the navy department were always most confident. To-day the President is more hopeful. The Keokuk, which was sunk, was the feeblest of all. The other vessels stood the storm of shot,—new and of extraordinary force, made in England. The captain, who is here, tells me that never in war was there such a pelting by shots of such force. That the ships, always excepting the Keokuk, stood this pelting is the present ground of hope. If they could have passed the impediments in the water and extricated themselves from the focus of the batteries, it is thought they would have put a different face upon the transaction. The present purpose is to deal with the impediments, so as to give the ships an opportunity. I tell you what I hear It may be that further knowledge and counsel may change the plans. I cannot disguise my own conviction, en
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