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that the State of North Carolina will not consent to continue the struggle after our armies shall have withdrawn further south, and this withdrawal is inevitable if hostilities are resumed. This action of North Carolina would render it impossible for Virginia to maintain her position in the Confederacy, even if her people were unanimous in their desire to continue the contest. In the more southern States we have no army except the forces now defending Mobile and the cavalry under General Forrest. The enemy are so far superior in numbers that they have occupied within the last few weeks Selma, Montgomery, Columbus, and Macon, and could continue their career of devastation through Georgia and Alabama without our being able to prevent it by any forces now at our disposal. It is believed that we could not at the present moment gather together an army of thirty thousand men by a concentration of all our forces east of the Mississippi River. Our sea-coast is in possession of t
U. S. Grant (search for this): chapter 18
man, in his Memoirs, returns with increased violence to his old attack upon Secretary Stanton, and attempts to hold him chiefly responsible for a course in regard to the Sherman-Johnston terms, which at the time was approved by the President, General Grant, General Halleck, every member of the Cabinet, and by the loyal North. He attempts to convey the impression that Mr. Stanton exceeded his authority in the matter, by the statement that President Johnson, and nearly all the members of the Cerman concluded to insult him in public, which he seems to think he afterward did, by refusing to take Mr. Stanton's hand, or as he expresses it, speaking of his own behavior on the stand at the great review, I shook hands with the President, General Grant, and each member of the Cabinet. As I approached Mr. Stanton, he offered me his hand, but I declined it publicly, and the fact was universally noticed—but how decidedly to the discredit of General Sherman he does not relate in his new capac
H. W. Halleck (search for this): chapter 18
irs, returns with increased violence to his old attack upon Secretary Stanton, and attempts to hold him chiefly responsible for a course in regard to the Sherman-Johnston terms, which at the time was approved by the President, General Grant, General Halleck, every member of the Cabinet, and by the loyal North. He attempts to convey the impression that Mr. Stanton exceeded his authority in the matter, by the statement that President Johnson, and nearly all the members of the Cabinet assured hs directed at the reasons assigned by Mr. Stanton for the rejection of his terms. He contends that personally he cared very little whether they were approved, modified, or disapproved in toto, only he wanted instructions; and yet in a letter to Halleck, quoted in the Memoirs, and written the day these terms were agreed upon, is this appeal: Please give all orders necessary according to the views the Executive may take, and influence him, if possible, not to vary the terms at all, for I hav
t officers on Sherman's terms. General Sherman, in his Memoirs, returns with increased violence to his old attack upon Secretary Stanton, and attempts to hold him chiefly responsible for a course in regard to the Sherman-Johnston terms, which at the time was approved by the President, General Grant, General Halleck, every member of the Cabinet, and by the loyal North. He attempts to convey the impression that Mr. Stanton exceeded his authority in the matter, by the statement that President Johnson, and nearly all the members of the Cabinet assured him, after his arrival in Washington, that they knew nothing of Mr. Stanton's publications setting forth the nature of his terms and the reasons of the Cabinet for rejecting them. This is an attempt to escape upon a technicality. The President, and every member of the Cabinet, had united in rejecting the terms on the grounds which Mr. Stanton made known. It is doubtless true that none of them, except Mr. Stanton, knew that these rea
J. E. Johnston (search for this): chapter 18
abinet did. It has already been made to appear that Mr. Reagan, the Confederate Postmaster-General; Mr. Breckinridge, Secretary--of War; Wade Hampton, and General Johnston held a consultation at the headquarters of the latter, late at night, after the first conference with General Sherman. Up to that time no draft of terms had been prepared by either side, and Mr. Reagan thereupon drew up outlines, based upon Johnston's conversations with Sherman, and this paper was the next day handed to the latter, and, with it before him, he rote the memorandum, which was afterward signed. This was agreed to, and did not differ in its most important points from thehave either disbanded or marched toward their homes, accompanied by many of their officers. Five days ago the effective force, in infantry and artillery, of General Johnston's army was but fourteen thousand seven hundred and seventy men, and it continues to diminish. That officer thinks it wholly impossible for him to make any h
Joseph E. Johnston (search for this): chapter 18
agreement of the 18th inst., between General Joseph E. Johnston, of the Confederate army, and Major-overnment. The army under the command of General Johnston has been reduced to fourteen or fifteen —large and small; it being the opinion of Generals Johnston and Beauregard that with the men and meao the advance of General Sherman's army. General Johnston is of opinion that the enemy's forces now. The military convention made between General Johnston and General Sherman is, in substance, an onference with the Cabinet at Greensboro Generals Johnston and Beauregard expressed the unqualifiedginia, the rapid decrease by desertion of General Johnston's army, which as it retreats south, if reonvinced that both General Beauregard and General Johnston are utterly hopeless of continuing the coed upon on the 18th inst., by and between General Johnston, commanding the Confederate forces, and M made on the 18th inst. by and between General J. E. Johnston, of the Confederate States Army, and M[3 more...]
Stephen D. Lee (search for this): chapter 18
per mode of executing this agreement on our part, I have to say that, painful as the necessity is, in view of the relative condition of the armies and resources of the belligerents, I must advise the acceptance of the terms of the agreement General Lee, the General-in-Chief of our armies, has been compelled to surrender our principal army, heretofore employed in the defense of our capital, with the loss of a very large part of our ordnance, arms, munitions of war, and military stores of all should be as speedy as practicable, to the end that the authorities of the States may enter upon the establishment and maintenance of law and order. Negotiations for this purpose can more appropriately follow upon the overwhelming disaster of General Lee than at a future time. The wreck of our hopes results immediately from it. I omit all reference to the details which must be provided for by the contending parties to this agreement for future consideration. Very respectfully, your obed
A. Lincoln (search for this): chapter 18
ll orders necessary according to the views the Executive may take, and influence him, if possible, not to vary the terms at all, for I have considered every thing, and believe that the Confederate armies once dispersed, we can adjust all else fairly and well. It is now known, from documents which might have slept but for General Sherman's revival of this matter, that the members of Jeff. Davis' Cabinet construed the Sherman-Johnston terms exactly as Mr. Stanton and the other members of Lincoln's Cabinet did. It has already been made to appear that Mr. Reagan, the Confederate Postmaster-General; Mr. Breckinridge, Secretary--of War; Wade Hampton, and General Johnston held a consultation at the headquarters of the latter, late at night, after the first conference with General Sherman. Up to that time no draft of terms had been prepared by either side, and Mr. Reagan thereupon drew up outlines, based upon Johnston's conversations with Sherman, and this paper was the next day hand
S. R. Mallory (search for this): chapter 18
with a view to their adoption and execution as being the best and most favorable that they could hope to obtain by a continuance of the struggle. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of State. Views of Mr. Mallory, Secretary of the Navy: Charlotte, N. C., 24th April, 1865. Mr. President: In compliance with your suggestion I have the honor briefly to present the following views upon the propositions discussed in Cabinet council yesterday. e time. The wreck of our hopes results immediately from it. I omit all reference to the details which must be provided for by the contending parties to this agreement for future consideration. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, S. R. Mallory, Secretary of the Navy. Views of Attorney-General Davis: Charlotte, N. C., 22d April, 1865. To the President. Sir: The questions submitted by you to the members of your Cabinet for their opinions are: 1. Whether the conve
Montgomery (search for this): chapter 18
rces in the South, though still holding the fortifications at Mobile, have been unable to prevent the fall of Selma and Montgomery in Alabama, and of Columbus and Macon in Georgia, with their magazines, workshops, and stores of supplies. The army der General Forrest. The enemy are so far superior in numbers that they have occupied within the last few weeks Selma, Montgomery, Columbus, and Macon, and could continue their career of devastation through Georgia and Alabama without our being ableby-paths and cross-roads which lead to their homes, together with the recent successes of the enemy, the fall of Selma, Montgomery, Columbus, and Macon, his forces in the field and his vast resources, all dictate the admission I have made. I do nona, and move almost at will through the other States to the east of the Mississippi. They have recently taken Selma, Montgomery, Columbus, Macon, and other important towns, depriving us of large depots of supplies and of munitions of war. Of the s
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