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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Oliver Otis Howard, Autobiography of Oliver Otis Howard, major general , United States army : volume 2. Search the whole document.

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1861 AD (search for this): chapter 2.18
President Johnson's reconstruction and further bureau legislation for 1866 President Johnson, by the inspiration and help of his Secretary of State, Mr. Seward, had succeeded before the meeting of Congress in December, 1865, in completely rehabilitating all the States that had belonged to the Southern Confederacy, so far as the form went. Apparently all the functions of Government, both State and National, were already reawakened and in operation. By taking the old State constitutions of 1861 and modifying them slightly to make them comply with the Thirteenth Amendment of the National Constitution, seemingly the problems of reconstruction were solved. Everything, for a time, to the late Confederates, was going on as they would have it. All those who had been for four years fighting against the United States were again in power at the State capitals, or so close behind those in office that they made themselves felt in every sort of legislation and act of administration. But the f
1865 AD (search for this): chapter 2.18
heir pay. These illustrations all through the South show our work in creating law-abiding communities in which fair local laws were slowly extending to the protection of negroes. Judicial proceeding was in a transition state everywhere and needed careful watching and continued experiment under friendly supervision, such as our officers uniformly gave. How much violence, fraud, and oppression, how much idleness, theft, and perhaps insurrection our agency prevented can never be measured. Other nations have not succeeded so well in relieving the shock to society when they were passing from slavery to freedom. The schools were increasing and were in much better shape than in 1865 and yet there were only 965 organized schools, 1,405 teachers, and 90,778 pupils. We knew that there ought to be ten times as many. It was but a beginning — a drop in the bucket-a nucleus — an object lesson. The demonstration, however, showed that it was practicable to educate the children of negro
December, 1865 AD (search for this): chapter 2.18
Chapter 52: President Johnson's reconstruction and further bureau legislation for 1866 President Johnson, by the inspiration and help of his Secretary of State, Mr. Seward, had succeeded before the meeting of Congress in December, 1865, in completely rehabilitating all the States that had belonged to the Southern Confederacy, so far as the form went. Apparently all the functions of Government, both State and National, were already reawakened and in operation. By taking the old State constitutions of 1861 and modifying them slightly to make them comply with the Thirteenth Amendment of the National Constitution, seemingly the problems of reconstruction were solved. Everything, for a time, to the late Confederates, was going on as they would have it. All those who had been for four years fighting against the United States were again in power at the State capitals, or so close behind those in office that they made themselves felt in every sort of legislation and act of administrat
1866 AD (search for this): chapter 2.18
arrisoned, and in places which were reached by rail. Perhaps the needs, the hopes, the fears, the failures, and such progress as was made in the Bureau work for 1866 may be best illustrated by some of the work before the courts that year. General C. H. Howard, who had succeeded General Eaton in the District of Columbia and vies, gave rise to increased anxiety everywhere and seemed to necessitate an increase of military force. General Clinton B. Fisk had good results in Tennessee in 1866. The State legislature took liberal action in matters of vagrancy, or apprenticing and contracts which affected the freedmen; they modified the old laws to conforeir base work of terrorism which they had undertaken among the freedmen and their teachers. General J. W. Sprague, most manly and fearless of men, in October of 1866 was no longer sanguine for Arkansas in the line of justice. The legislature did not grant the negroes their rights. He feared to give cases to State officers on
January 5th, 1866 AD (search for this): chapter 2.18
— a law that he was bound by his oath of office to execute, but one that his process of reconstruction had caused to be violated in the spirit, if not in the letter, so as to render it nugatory. This worthy senator, always of a conservative turn, warmly took the freedmen's part. I well remember those nights at my headquarters, for Mr. Trumbull's thoughts deeply impressedtme. In a subsequent speech he declared the freedmen's condition to be abject, forlorn, helpless, and hopeless. January 5, 1866, he introduced in the Senate a new Freedmen's Bureau bill. On the 12th of the same month it was brought up for discussion, when he explained what he wished to accomplish with it: (1) An essential extension beyond the one year to be terminated by a future Act of Congress. (2) That it should apply to the whole country wherever were the beneficiaries; (3) That the President should give them land by reserving not exceeding 3,000,000 acres from settlement or sale in certain Southern States
February 1st, 1866 AD (search for this): chapter 2.18
discriminations against negroes were made Bureau officers and agents should take and hold jurisdiction of the offenses. Much feeling and bitterness were evolved in the discussion that followed the senator's statements. Yet all hindering amendments were voted down, and January 25th, the bill passed the Senate by 27 majority. In the House there was a like fiery discussion. The bill was amended so as to limit it to sections of the country where the habeas corpus remained suspended on February 1, 1866. The Senate removed the amendment, so that the original bill passed both Houses and February 10th went to the President. He returned it with a veto. He objected to thus legislating without the new representatives and senators from the South. He declared that the bill interfered with the local administration of justice; that it was unconstitutional for the general Government to support indigent persons; that it was unreasonable to make provision for a class or color; that it was ex
June 30th, 1866 AD (search for this): chapter 2.18
ve to report at any time by bill or otherwise. The contest that here began between that Congress and President Johnson, with all the Southern legislatures involved, affords a piece of history of deepest interest, and subsequently it greatly affected the existence and operations of the Freedmen's Bureau. The life of that Bureau was to terminate by law one year after the close of the war. By the most favorable interpretation that one year could not extend beyond the fiscal year ending June 30, 1866. The necessity for the protection which the Freedmen's Bureau would give became more and more apparent. Every report received from our agents bore evidences of troubles then existing and apprehended. The words of the assistant commissioner of North Carolina, Colonel Whittlesey, were significant. They found a veritable echo in the reports of other assistants and subassistants throughout the South. Writing from Raleigh, December 1st, he said: But it is evident all over the South t
July 16th, 1866 AD (search for this): chapter 2.18
mmittee, Mr. Eliot, very soon introduced a new Bureau bill, from which he had removed several objections made by those senators who refused to vote for the first bill over the veto. The duration he fixed at two years; he left out the sea island clause, and he reduced the acres of public lands to 1,000,000. This measure went through both Houses and was vetoed like the others for similar reasons. But this time both Houses passed the measure over the President's veto, and it became a law July 16, 1866. The attitude of President Johnson and of the leading Southern whites, together with the apparent inability of Congress to enact a law to which he and his new friends objected, created, during those six months of trial, prior to the passage of this measure, great anxiety and apprehension. Still, all officers and agents, cooperating with the small military garrisons in their vicinity, had worked on energetically and hopefully to meet and overcome the increasing difficulties of the situa
John Quincy Adams (search for this): chapter 2.18
es and senators from the South. He declared that the bill interfered with the local administration of justice; that it was unconstitutional for the general Government to support indigent persons; that it was unreasonable to make provision for a class or color; that it was extravagantly expensive, there being $11,745,--000, according to the commissioner's estimates for the current year, and likely under the bill to be double that amount-greater than the entire yearly administration of John Quincy Adams. The Senate did not get a two-thirds vote to overcome the veto, several senators having changed their attitude regarding it, so that Trumbull's bill failed to become a law. But in the House the persistent chairman of the Freedmen's committee, Mr. Eliot, very soon introduced a new Bureau bill, from which he had removed several objections made by those senators who refused to vote for the first bill over the veto. The duration he fixed at two years; he left out the sea island clause,
Absalom Baird (search for this): chapter 2.18
his eyes assistant commissioners, such as Mr. Conway, Colonel Brown, Generals Whittlesey, Saxton, Samuel Thomas, and Absalom Baird, were too pronounced in behalf of those assailed; they seemed to be friends of the so-called carpet-baggers, i. e., igood governor sought to cooperate, was forced in several of the worst localities to reestablish Bureau courts. General Absalom Baird in his last message in September indicated a bad outlook for Louisiana. Brutal conduct in distant parishes remai terror of both property holders and laborers. They were countenanced by the community either through sympathy or fear. Baird added that the. Civil-Rights-Law was to some extent having a good effect, restraining those who had hitherto been disposes laws with contempt. Several magistrates were under arrest for violating its provisions. General Sheridan, following Baird in Louisiana, rather heightens the adverse picture: Homicides are frequent in some localities; sometimes they are investi
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