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lonies, answered to the call. Peyton Randolph, late speaker of the assembly of Virginia, was nominated president by Lynch of Carolina, and was unanimously chosen. The body then named itself the congress, and its chairman the president. Jay and Duane would have selected a secretary from among the members themselves, but they found no support; and on the motion of Lynch, Charles Thomson was appointed without further opposition. The measures that were to have divided America bound them closelylect their king; that American claims were derived from the British constitution rather than from the law of nature. But Sherman of Connecticut deduced allegiance from consent, without which the colonies were not bound by the act of settlement. Duane, like Rutledge, shrunk back from the appeal to the law of nature, and founded the power of government on property in land. Behind all these views lay the question of the power of parliament over the colonies. Dickinson, not yet a member of co
nor to keep the proceedings secret, until the majority should direct them to be made public. The treacherous Galloway pledged his honor with the rest. To the proposal that congress the next day. should be opened with prayer, Jay and Rutledge objected, on account of the great diversity of religious sentiments. I am no bigot, said Samuel Adams, the Congregationalist; I can hear a prayer from a man of piety and virtue, who is at the same time a friend to his country; and on his nomination, Duche, an Episcopal clergyman, was chosen for the service. Before the adjournment, Putnam's express arrived with the report of a bloody attack on the people by the troops at Boston; of Connecticut as well as Massachusetts rising in arms. The next day muffled bells were tolled. At the opening of congress, Washington was present, standing in prayer, and Henry, and Randolph, and Lee, and Jay, and Rutledge, and Gadsden; and by their side Presbyterians and Congregationalists, the Livingstons, Sherm
e authority. Our constituents are bound only Chap. XI.} 1774 Sept. in honor to observe our determinations. I cannot see any way of voting but by colonies, said Gadsden. Every colony, insisted Ward, of Rhode Island, should have an equal vote. The counties of Virginia are unequal in point of wealth and numbers, yet each has a riy muffled bells were tolled. At the opening of congress, Washington was present, standing in prayer, and Henry, and Randolph, and Lee, and Jay, and Rutledge, and Gadsden; and by their side Presbyterians and Congregationalists, the Livingstons, Sherman, Samuel Adams, John Adams, and others of Chap. XI.} 1774. Sept. New England, wvocated allowing to parliament the regulation of trade upon principles of necessity, and the mutual interest of both countries. A right of regulating trade, said Gadsden, true to the principle of 1765, is a right of legislation, and a right of legislation in one case is a right in all; and he denied the claim with peremptory energ
s little, sleeps little, and thinks much, and is most decisive and indefatigable in the pursuit of his objects. He was the man who, by his superior application managed at once the faction in congress at Philadelphia, and the factions in New England. One express had brought from Massachusetts the proceedings of Middlesex; another having now arrived, on Saturday, the seventeenth of September, the delegates of Massachusetts laid before congress the address of the Suffolk county convention to Gage, on his seizure of the provincial stock of powder and his hostile occupation of the only approach to Boston by land; and the resolutions of the same convention which declared that no obedience was due to the acts of parliament affecting their colony. As the papers were read, expressions of esteem, love and admiration broke forth in generous and manly eloquence. In language which but faintly expressed their spirit, members from all the colonies declared their sympathy with their suffering
Richard Galloway (search for this): chapter 12
rts Massachusetts. September, 1774. among the members elected to the continental con- Chap. XI.} 1774. Sept. gress, Galloway of Philadelphia was so thoroughly royalist that he acted as a volunteer spy for the British government. To the delegate} 1774. Sept. bers of congress, meeting at Smith's tavern, moved in a body to select the place for their deliberations. Galloway, the speaker of Pennsylvania, would have had them use the State House, but the carpenters of Philadelphia offered their by delegates from North Carolina, and intent upon securing absolute unanimity, was moving with great deliberation, and Galloway hoped Chap. XI.} 1774. Sept. the two parties would remain on an equal balance. But in that body there was a man who knew how to bring the enthusiasm of the people into connection with its representatives. Samuel Adams, wrote Galloway, though by no means remarkable for brilliant abilities, is equal to most men in popular intrigue, and the management of a faction. H
. Our constituents are bound only Chap. XI.} 1774 Sept. in honor to observe our determinations. I cannot see any way of voting but by colonies, said Gadsden. Every colony, insisted Ward, of Rhode Island, should have an equal vote. The counties of Virginia are unequal in point of wealth and numbers, yet each has a right to send two members to its legislature. We come, if necessary, to make a sacrifice of our all, and by such a sacrifice the weakest will suffer as much as the greatest. Harrison, of Virginia, spoke strongly on the opposite side, and was very apprehensive, that if such a disrespect should be put upon his countrymen, as that Virginia should have no greater weight than the smallest colony, they would never be seen at another convention. But his menace of disunion showed only how little he understood the heart of the Ancient Dominion; and he was at once rebuked by his colleagues. Though a representation equal to the importance of each colony, were ever so just, said
ere then called over, and Patrick Henry, Washington, Richard Henry Lee, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Jay, Gadsden, John Rutledge of South Carolina, the aged Hopkins of Rhode Island, and others, represenas unanimously chosen. The body then named itself the congress, and its chairman the president. Jay and Duane would have selected a secretary from among the members themselves, but they found no suentire new government must be founded. I cannot yet think that all government is at an end, said Jay in reply, or that we came to frame an American constitution, instead of endeavoring to correct thhonor with the rest. To the proposal that congress the next day. should be opened with prayer, Jay and Rutledge objected, on account of the great diversity of religious sentiments. I am no bigot,ng of congress, Washington was present, standing in prayer, and Henry, and Randolph, and Lee, and Jay, and Rutledge, and Gadsden; and by their side Presbyterians and Congregationalists, the Livingsto
Richard Henry Lee (search for this): chapter 12
all; and from respect for the mechanics, it was accepted by a great majority. The names of the members were then called over, and Patrick Henry, Washington, Richard Henry Lee, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Jay, Gadsden, John Rutledge of South Carolina, the aged Hopkins of Rhode Island, and others, representing eleven colonies, answere the Ancient Dominion; and he was at once rebuked by his colleagues. Though a representation equal to the importance of each colony, were ever so just, said Richard Henry Lee, the delegates from the several colonies are unprepared with materials to settle that equality. Bland, of Virginia, saw no safety but in voting by colonies.setts rising in arms. The next day muffled bells were tolled. At the opening of congress, Washington was present, standing in prayer, and Henry, and Randolph, and Lee, and Jay, and Rutledge, and Gadsden; and by their side Presbyterians and Congregationalists, the Livingstons, Sherman, Samuel Adams, John Adams, and others of Cha
hode Island, and others, representing eleven colonies, answered to the call. Peyton Randolph, late speaker of the assembly of Virginia, was nominated president by Lynch of Carolina, and was unanimously chosen. The body then named itself the congress, and its chairman the president. Jay and Duane would have selected a secretary from among the members themselves, but they found no support; and on the motion of Lynch, Charles Thomson was appointed without further opposition. The measures that were to have divided America bound them closely together. Colonies differing in religious opinions and in commercial interests, in every thing dependent on climate an between Virginians, Pennsylvanians, New Yorkers, and New Englanders are no more. I am not a Virginian, but an American. A compound of numbers and property, said Lynch, of South Carolina, should determine the weight of the colonies. But he admitted that such a rule could not then be settled. In the same spirit spoke the elder R
ttle he understood the heart of the Ancient Dominion; and he was at once rebuked by his colleagues. Though a representation equal to the importance of each colony, were ever so just, said Richard Henry Lee, the delegates from the several colonies are unprepared with materials to settle that equality. Bland, of Virginia, saw no safety but in voting by colonies. The question, he added, is, whether the rights and liberties of America shall be contended for, or given up to arbitrary power. Pendleton acquiesced, yet wished the subject might be open for reconsideration, when proper materials should have been obtained. This opinion prevailed, and it was resolved that, in taking questions, each colony should have one voice; but the journal adds as the reason, that the congress was not then able to procure proper mate- Chap. XI.} 1774. Sept. rials for ascertaining the importance of each colony. Henry, during the debate, had declared that an entire new government must be founded. I
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