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may be a general agreement between the Republican Government and our Society, but it is one which the political requirements of the time might go far to destroy. Relations of the United States with England.[from the London Times.] Hon. Mr. Phelps, when the bill for the fortification of the frontiers was introduced, addressed the House in a speech which, if it was not calculated to flatter the prejudices of his hearers, ought certainly to have approved itself to their reason. He first aa similar aspect. A Sebastopol at Buffalo would merely call up another Sebastopol on the opposite border; and, as the longest purse would win, it was probable that Great Britain might carry the day. But after this practical piece of reasoning, Mr. Phelps proceeded to touch on a far more comprehensive and controvertible topic. He not only deprecated the angry spirit and abusive language in which it was customary with Americans to speak of us and our institutions, but he went a step further, and
France (France) (search for this): article 3
candor and boldness almost unexampled in such assemblies, that we did not deserve such treatment, inasmuch as in any international differences we for the most part had been clearly in the right and America in the wrong. He said that in the Trent affair we were proved to be in the right by the concurrent decisions of all European Governments, including those most cordially disposed toward America. Of our attitude during the civil war, he observed that it was certainly as friendly as that of France, to which no exception was taken, while of our general policy he spoke in terms of unreserved commendation. He remarked that in all recent treaties we had permitted America to gain the advantage that we had overlooked in the San Juan affair a piece of conduct on the part of the Americans which they, if the decision had been theirs, would probably have resented by instant war; that we had endured their protective and injurious traffic without retaliating; and that in all such matters we had
Sebastapol (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): article 3
ced, addressed the House in a speech which, if it was not calculated to flatter the prejudices of his hearers, ought certainly to have approved itself to their reason. He first argued against the propriety of substituting a race of extravagance for the present economical inaction. If America armed, England would arm. If the New York shore of the Lakes were to bristle with cannon, the Canadian shore would soon present a similar aspect. A Sebastopol at Buffalo would merely call up another Sebastopol on the opposite border; and, as the longest purse would win, it was probable that Great Britain might carry the day. But after this practical piece of reasoning, Mr. Phelps proceeded to touch on a far more comprehensive and controvertible topic. He not only deprecated the angry spirit and abusive language in which it was customary with Americans to speak of us and our institutions, but he went a step further, and declared, with a candor and boldness almost unexampled in such assemblies, t
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): article 3
the Lakes were to bristle with cannon, the Canadian shore would soon present a similar aspect. A Sebastopol at Buffalo would merely call up another Sebastopol on the opposite border; and, as the longest purse would win, it was probable that Great Britain might carry the day. But after this practical piece of reasoning, Mr. Phelps proceeded to touch on a far more comprehensive and controvertible topic. He not only deprecated the angry spirit and abusive language in which it was customary withwar; that we had endured their protective and injurious traffic without retaliating; and that in all such matters we had shown a superior and enlightened liberality. For all these reasons, he thought it inexpedient to express any distrust of Great Britain, or to encourage any ideas of hostility or war by the erection of the defences proposed. It will be thought on this side of the Atlantic that the speech we have thus summarized was but a moderate and impartial exposition of the truth. S
United States (United States) (search for this): article 3
nor is it very important; though in the extracts which we append we have some further revelations of English sentiment in respect to affairs on this continent. A deputation of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society waited upon the United States Minister, Charles Francis Adams, on the 10th ult., and offered him an address, signifying their pleasure at welcoming an Ambassador who held principles in accordance with their own. Mr. Adams made a reply, sufficiently abolition in tone to saa less important question than national existence. --There may be a general agreement between the Republican Government and our Society, but it is one which the political requirements of the time might go far to destroy. Relations of the United States with England.[from the London Times.] Hon. Mr. Phelps, when the bill for the fortification of the frontiers was introduced, addressed the House in a speech which, if it was not calculated to flatter the prejudices of his hearers, ought ce
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