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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1. Search the whole document.

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Indiana (Indiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 27
longs to no particular State, but which serves as a highway in which many States are interested. The States, he argued, were prohibited from entering into such a work. If the Government could not do it, it was plain that neither Kentucky nor Indiana could make the improvement. He held that it was as clearly the right of the general Government to repair the dam, under the provision in the Constitution which gives the power to regulate commerce among the States, as it is to repair light-housorth Carolina; and Westcott, of Florida. Douglas, of Illinois, sided, rather cynically, with Hale. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, could not see what had induced the Senator from New Hampshire to introduce such a measure at that moment; Hannegan, of Indiana, denounced it, and Davis, of Massachusetts, supported it. The excitement was extraordinary the more so that it was evidenced that all the speakers, save one, sincerely regretted it. A living coal seemed to have leaped upon the floor from the fir
Tennessee (Tennessee, United States) (search for this): chapter 27
s execution? . . . . Where is the odium? What portion of our population is infected with it? From what cause does it arise? . . . Where, sir, are the evidences of evil brought upon us by this odious war? Where can you point to any inroad upon our prosperity, public or private, industrial, commercial, or financial, which can be, in any degree, attributed to the prosecution of this war? All that is yet to be shown, and I confidently await the issue. In a discussion with John Bell, of Tennessee, Mr. Davis defined his idea of a military occupation. He declared himself only in favor of such an occupation as would prevent the general Government of Mexico, against which the war had been directed, from re-establishing its power and again concentrating the scattered fragments of its army to renew active hostilities against us. In the course of the debate on this bill, which had drawn in a majority of the Senate, the fitness of Mr. Davis for the chairmanship of the Committee on Mili
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 27
e debate which followed was most exciting and much too personal. Among those from the South, besides Calhoun and Mr. Davis, who participated, were Butler, of South Carolina; Foote, of Mississippi; Mangum, of North Carolina; and Westcott, of Florida. Douglas, of Illinois, sided, rather cynically, with Hale. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, could not see what had induced the Senator from New Hampshire to introduce such a measure at that moment; Hannegan, of Indiana, denounced it, and Davis, of Massachusetts, supported it. The excitement was extraordinary the more so that it was evidenced that all the speakers, save one, sincerely regretted it. A living coal seemed to have leaped upon the floor from the fires of the Missouri Compromise, even then building. Hale throughout the discussion was cool, because it was a mere matter of calculation with him. It had mattered little to him what would be the fate of his bill. What he had most desired was, by means of it, to drag to the surface the qu
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 27
of of Mr. Davis's intelligent grasp of all questions connected with Mexico and the war that was still waging. Cass, of Michigan, had reportedising ten additional regiments of infantry to serve during the war. Mexico was defeated, but not yet humbled. Its armies had been dispersed; declaration of it had been made. He now deprecated the conquest of Mexico, which, he argued, would be the disastrous result of any attempt tohoun's resolutions, and still vote for the bill. But, he asked, is Mexico conquered? Is any part of it conquered? Conquest, as laid down byds. Ruin is one of these kinds of conquest; but we have not ruined Mexico, and God forbid we ever should. The moral feeling of this country t do that. In neither of these modes, then, have we ever conquered Mexico. Referring to Crittenden's dread of the regular soldier, Mr. Davor of such an occupation as would prevent the general Government of Mexico, against which the war had been directed, from re-establishing its
Arkansas (Arkansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 27
and unreserved. This was not strange. The gossip which flies constantly between the two halls of Congress had whispered of his brilliant career in the House while a member of the Twenty-ninth Congress. And something more than congressional gossip — the voice of an admiring people-had reached grave Senators; that across the border American valor had once more been made memorable, and that their new associate had been its inspirer. The session opened on December 6, 1847. Mr. Sevier, of Arkansas, presented the credentials of Mr. Davis. Two other men were admitted into the senatorial arena. One of these was John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, the other was Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, a Democrat of the Western type, who seemed destined to rule the party and reach the highest status, but whose career was finally wrecked upon the rock of squatter sovereignty. Mr. Davis was appointed on several important committees, which showed the confidence in him inspired by his military servic
New Hampshire (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 27
847. Mr. Sevier, of Arkansas, presented the credentials of Mr. Davis. Two other men were admitted into the senatorial arena. One of these was John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, the other was Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, a Democrat of the Western type, who seemed destined to rule the party and reach the highest status, but whose c— as he always spoke of it — as the supreme law of the land. On April 20, 1848, a firebrand was hurled into the Senate. This came from the hand of Hale, of New Hampshire, in the shape of a bill introduced by him, relating to riots and unlawful assemblies in the District of Columbia. The bill was clearly disingenuous. Its avand Westcott, of Florida. Douglas, of Illinois, sided, rather cynically, with Hale. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, could not see what had induced the Senator from New Hampshire to introduce such a measure at that moment; Hannegan, of Indiana, denounced it, and Davis, of Massachusetts, supported it. The excitement was extraordinary the
Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 27
t sufficiently important to justify that disruption of society . . . which would result from bringing out men of that high class which the honorable Senator from Kentucky has correctly said constitute the great body of the volunteers. Following his argument, Mr. Davis touched upon a question which, later, was to receive, on botny States are interested. The States, he argued, were prohibited from entering into such a work. If the Government could not do it, it was plain that neither Kentucky nor Indiana could make the improvement. He held that it was as clearly the right of the general Government to repair the dam, under the provision in the Constitplied. After this, curiously enough — with one single exception — the discussion was participated in by men of the same mind. That exception was Crittenden, of Kentucky, who had insisted on the old Whig idea of centralized power. He was in favor of the largest latitude to be given to Government aid for improvements of this clas
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 27
ents hotly canvassed in hotels and on the streets. They had taken their seats that morning vaguely troubled. A storm was raging outside; above all things it ought, for the peace of the country, to be kept from the Senate. Then came Hale's bill. Submitted and read early in the day, it more than startled them; it alarmed them. The debate which followed was most exciting and much too personal. Among those from the South, besides Calhoun and Mr. Davis, who participated, were Butler, of South Carolina; Foote, of Mississippi; Mangum, of North Carolina; and Westcott, of Florida. Douglas, of Illinois, sided, rather cynically, with Hale. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, could not see what had induced the Senator from New Hampshire to introduce such a measure at that moment; Hannegan, of Indiana, denounced it, and Davis, of Massachusetts, supported it. The excitement was extraordinary the more so that it was evidenced that all the speakers, save one, sincerely regretted it. A living coal seemed
Queretaro (Queretaro, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 27
s for the chairmanship of the Committee on Military Affairs was made clear. His election to the position, during the session of the Thirty-first Congress, was nearly unanimous--thirty — two votes having been given for him, to five for all others. The proposed increase of the army, however, was never made on the lines of the Cass bill. Before Congress could perfect the necessary legislation events had moved toward pacification. The flitting Government had become rooted long enough at Queretaro to propose and consider terms of peace. On July 6th President Polk laid before Congress copies of a treaty of peace between the United States and the Mexican republic, the ratifications of which had been exchanged at that city on the 30th of May previous. On April 14th a bill to provide for the repair and improvement of the dam at the head of Cumberland Island brought up, incidentally, the policy of internal improvements. Calhoun spoke in favor of the bill. Although holding to the
Frankenstein (Rheinland-Pfalz, Germany) (search for this): chapter 27
prominent. He had vigorously opposed the war when the declaration of it had been made. He now deprecated the conquest of Mexico, which, he argued, would be the disastrous result of any attempt to strengthen the army of occupation. Crittenden objected on another ground. He thought that the additional force asked for should be composed of volunteers rather than of regulars. As the spectre of a conquered country and a suspended autonomy haunted Calhoun, so did the bugbear of a military Frankenstein appal Crittenden. In answer to the fear of ultimate absorption, entertained by Calhoun and those who, with him, foresaw the dismemberment of another Poland, Mr. Davis stated that he could accept Calhoun's resolutions, and still vote for the bill. But, he asked, is Mexico conquered? Is any part of it conquered? Conquest, as laid down by some writers, is of three kinds. Ruin is one of these kinds of conquest; but we have not ruined Mexico, and God forbid we ever should. The moral f
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