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Longstreet (search for this): chapter 5
rd, and in open violation of the law, selected five Republicans. By law the sittings should be held in public, so that every word should be open and beyond suspicion. By Kellogg's order, all the most serious business has been done in secret. Longstreet retired from the board. An easy-going Conservative was named in place of Longstreet; but on finding his colleagues bent on violating the law this easy-going Conservative protested and retired. His resignation leaves the rump incapable of actiLongstreet; but on finding his colleagues bent on violating the law this easy-going Conservative protested and retired. His resignation leaves the rump incapable of acting, since by law the board consists of five members. But the rump cares nothing about legal forms. Two thousand Federal soldiers occupy the posts and arsenals-why should they conform to law? In Louisiana, the votes are counted many times.. The local ballots are first sent to the Supervisors of Registration, who count them up and forward them to the Commissioners of Elections. They undergo three scrutinies, so to speak, before they reach the Returning Board. When laid before these party ex
e. A hundred of the Black militia are marched into the House, and placed under Campbell's orders. Help is asked from the Federal officers, and in spite of the President's late rebuff this help is given, not only by the army, but the fleet. General Emory sleeps at the Custom House, where his field-guns are supported by a troop of horse. The Commodore lays his ships so as to rake the wharf and sweep Canal Street. A body of Marines is held in readiness to land. General De Trobriand, Emory's Emory's second in command, receives orders to proceed at dawn to Royal Street. Sheridan remains at his hotel. Conservative scouts who visit the Rotunda, to observe his motions, find him as usual, dawdling about, puffing his cigar, and laughing with the members of his staff, as though he had no more concern with what is passing at the State House and the arsenals than any other guest in the hotel. Carnival-day is nigh. King Carnival is announced as coming; and the comic writers — a conspicuous bod
Pinchback (search for this): chapter 5
glish words. Most of them are so poor and ignorant, so vain and shifty, that Kellogg dares not trust them in the streets and grog-shops. New Orleans, a gay and rattling town, is rich in drinking-bars and galling hells-places in which men like Pinchback serve apprenticeships. These bars and hells have dangerous fascinations for Mose and Pete, Negroes fresh from the cotton-fields, and eager to enjoy their freedom in a great metropolis. Spies bring in news to the State House, that clever and ur. Some others, heated by spiced liquors, say they ought to pull down Kellogg and set up Pinch. Ole Pinch is some Nig, cries one of his tipsy partisans. Guess dat true, hiccups his no less tipsy comrade, Ole Pinch some Nig. Bravo Pinch! Pinchback is with Kellogg, Hahn, and Campbell, waiting in the cabinet for a chance. If six or seven Conservatives, led by curiosity, should happen to drop in, a legal quorum would be present, and the roll might be called, Hahn voted to the chair, and Vi
io, a Republican, Phelps of New Jersey, a Republican, and Potter of New York, a Democrat, are in the city taking evidence, and the two Republicans hardly hide their agreement with the Democrat, that the attempt to govern through the aid of Federal soldiery is the cause of all the disorder seen about the Gulf. With critics so unfriendly to disarm, it is Kellogg's policy to seek some safe and legal ground; but where in Louisiana can intruders like Kellogg find that safe and legal ground? McEnery is not only stronger in votes but in repute and training. Many of his adherents, such as Penn, his Lieutenant-governor, and Wiltz, his candidate for Speaker, were familiar with public business and the rules of public life. Wealth, culture, eloquence are on their side. In Kellogg's group there is hardly a man of name. Among them may be good Republicans, men who heartily believe there is no way of saving Black equality except by crushing White freedom; but these Republicans have no voice
William Vigers (search for this): chapter 5
rsons, spend the Sunday night at Kellogg's bar, drinking whisky straight and hiccuping comic songs. Kellogg's officers stand ready at any moment of the night to call the roll and organise the house, if accident should raise the members present to a legal quorum of fifty-six. It is a desperate game, but desperate men are seldom wise. If they can snap a vote, and carry their own Speaker, Clerk, and Serjeant, they may find some means of braving a small majority of Conservative voters. William Vigers, clerk of the late Chamber and candidate for the next, is waiting in Kellogg's anteroom, with his official roll. Michael Hahn, a lawyer, whom the Republican party have pricked for Speaker, sits in Kellogg's cabinet. The scalawags distrust Michael Hahn, on account of his legal scruples, but their party is too poor in law to overlook his claim. Who else is fit to stand against Louis A. Wiltz? Some members want to have a Negro in the chair. Some others, heated by spiced liquors, say th
Trobriand (search for this): chapter 5
s efforts must be made. A hundred of the Black militia are marched into the House, and placed under Campbell's orders. Help is asked from the Federal officers, and in spite of the President's late rebuff this help is given, not only by the army, but the fleet. General Emory sleeps at the Custom House, where his field-guns are supported by a troop of horse. The Commodore lays his ships so as to rake the wharf and sweep Canal Street. A body of Marines is held in readiness to land. General De Trobriand, Emory's second in command, receives orders to proceed at dawn to Royal Street. Sheridan remains at his hotel. Conservative scouts who visit the Rotunda, to observe his motions, find him as usual, dawdling about, puffing his cigar, and laughing with the members of his staff, as though he had no more concern with what is passing at the State House and the arsenals than any other guest in the hotel. Carnival-day is nigh. King Carnival is announced as coming; and the comic writers
Louis A. Wiltz (search for this): chapter 5
some safe and legal ground; but where in Louisiana can intruders like Kellogg find that safe and legal ground? McEnery is not only stronger in votes but in repute and training. Many of his adherents, such as Penn, his Lieutenant-governor, and Wiltz, his candidate for Speaker, were familiar with public business and the rules of public life. Wealth, culture, eloquence are on their side. In Kellogg's group there is hardly a man of name. Among them may be good Republicans, men who heartily bwhom the Republican party have pricked for Speaker, sits in Kellogg's cabinet. The scalawags distrust Michael Hahn, on account of his legal scruples, but their party is too poor in law to overlook his claim. Who else is fit to stand against Louis A. Wiltz? Some members want to have a Negro in the chair. Some others, heated by spiced liquors, say they ought to pull down Kellogg and set up Pinch. Ole Pinch is some Nig, cries one of his tipsy partisans. Guess dat true, hiccups his no less ti
Henry C. Warmoth (search for this): chapter 5
carry a party vote. In free popular assemblies the candidates usually sit and vote until their cases have been heard; but Kellogg thinks that rules which govern free assemblies everywhere else may be defied in New Orleans. If these five members take their seats on the opening day, the Conservatives will have a legal quorum of fifty-six, and a sure majority of three, a probable majority of five. What is to prevent that sure Conservative majority from indicting and deposing Kellogg, as Governor Warmoth was indicted and deposed? A House in which neither party counts a quorum is a body open to arrangements. Kellogg believes that some of the voters may be bought. Already, there are stories told of his having secured one vote. He only needs two others to make his quorum. He has every reason to bid brisk, for he is bound to either keep a show of legal order or confess his failure and retire. His faction in the country is getting sick of him — a man who brings them no substantial
h clubs and six-shooters, take position in the hall, while others of their company occupy the stairs and corridors. Rifles are stacked against the wall; and General Campbell, a Southern fire-eater, now turned scalawag, is charged with the defence. Provisions, reckoned for a siege of twenty days, are brought into the yard: canned cries one of his tipsy partisans. Guess dat true, hiccups his no less tipsy comrade, Ole Pinch some Nig. Bravo Pinch! Pinchback is with Kellogg, Hahn, and Campbell, waiting in the cabinet for a chance. If six or seven Conservatives, led by curiosity, should happen to drop in, a legal quorum would be present, and the roll mf fifty-five into a legal quorum of fifty-six. More serious efforts must be made. A hundred of the Black militia are marched into the House, and placed under Campbell's orders. Help is asked from the Federal officers, and in spite of the President's late rebuff this help is given, not only by the army, but the fleet. General
mpatience as the President. Colonel Morrow, a Republican officer, is travelling through the country, and reporting on affairs to General Sherman. Morrow reports, according to his observation, that the South is loyal to the Union, but opposed to scalawags and carpet-baggers. The Republican majority in Congress, scared by the November elections, have appointed a committee to visit New Orleans and look into the state of things. Three members of this committee, Foster of Ohio, a Republican, Phelps of New Jersey, a Republican, and Potter of New York, a Democrat, are in the city taking evidence, and the two Republicans hardly hide their agreement with the Democrat, that the attempt to govern through the aid of Federal soldiery is the cause of all the disorder seen about the Gulf. With critics so unfriendly to disarm, it is Kellogg's policy to seek some safe and legal ground; but where in Louisiana can intruders like Kellogg find that safe and legal ground? McEnery is not only strong
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