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Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 20
he startling demand of that power for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. In 1850 the South lost California, but it received at the time an advantage of far-reaching consequence, viz., the admission of the principle of federal non-intervention upon the subject of slavery in the national Territories into the bill organizing Territorial Governments for New Mexico and Utah. The train which was to blow down the slave wall of 1820 and open to slave immigration the northern half of the Louisiana Territory, was laid in the compromise measures of 1850. Calhoun, strongly dissatisfied as he was with the Missouri settlement, recoiled from countenancing any agitation on the part of the South looking to its repeal on the ground that such action was calculated to disturb the peace and harmony of the Union. But four years after the death of the great nullifier, his disciples and followers dared to consummate a crime, the consequences of which he shrank from inviting. The political conditio
Isaiah Rynders (search for this): chapter 20
bully, the blackleg, and the demagogue in about equal proportions. It was the notorious Captain Isaiah Rynders, perched with his band of blackguards in the organ loft of the tabernacle and ready to do which the anti-slavery leader replied with the utmost composure, not inclined to let even Captain Rynders interrupt the even and orderly progression of his discourse: Will the friend wait for a momnciple of hearing everybody. If you wish to speak, I will keep order, and you shall be heard. Rynders was finally quieted by the offer of Francis Jackson to give him a hearing as soon as Mr. Garrir us the contrasts of the occasion. The close of Mr. Garrison's address, says he, brought down Rynders again, who vociferated and harangued at one time on the platform, and then pushing down into thwise on the second day when public opinion was regulated, and free discussion overthrown by Captain Rynders and his villainous gang, who were resolved, with the authors of the compromise, that the Un
George Thompson (search for this): chapter 20
Democratic, as well as of those already mentioned. Uncle Tom's Cabin might fairly be classed among the large indirect results produced by Garrison. But as Phillips justly remarked, Uncle Tom would never have been written had not Garrison developed the facts; and never would have succeeded had he not created readers and purchasers. Garrisonism had become an influence, a power that made for liberty and against slavery in the United States. It had become such also in Great Britain. George Thompson, writing the pioneer of the marvelous sale of Uncle Tom in England, and of the unprecedented demand for anti-slavery literature, traced their source to his friend: Behold the fruit of your labors, he exclaimed, and rejoice. Mr. Garrison's pungent characterization of the Union at the dinner of the Free Democracy as but another name for the iron reign of the slavepower, found almost instant illustration of its truth in the startling demand of that power for the repeal of the Missouri
Jesus Christ (search for this): chapter 20
ence, ditto the Baptist, ditto the Methodist. In fact all the sects are combined, the orator sternly continued, to prevent that jubilee which it is the will of God should come. But the bully in the organ loft, who was not content for long to play the part of Patience on a monument, interrupted the speaker with a second question which he looked upon, doubtless, as a hard nut to crack. Are you aware, inquired the blackleg that the slaves in the South have their prayermeetings in honor of Christ? The nut was quickly crushed between the sharp teeth of the orator's scathing retort. Mr. Garrison-Not a slave-holding or a slave-breeding Jesus. (Sensation.) The slaves believe in a Jesus that strikes off chains. In this country Jesus has become obsolete. A profession in him is no longer a test. Who objects to his course in Judaea? The old Pharisees are extinct, and may safely be denounced. Jesus is the most respectable person in the United States. (Great sensation and murmurs of d
Francis Jackson (search for this): chapter 20
owing the things that shall befall me there, saving that bonds and afflictions abide with me in every city, he wrote his wife an hour before the commencement of the convention. His prevision of violence was quickly fulfilled. He had called Francis Jackson to the chair during the delivery of the opening speech which fell to the pioneer to make as the president of the society. His subject was the Religion of the Country, to which he was paying his respects in genuine Garrisonian fashion. Beliat his back. You ought not to interrupt us, he remonstrated with gentle dignity. We go upon the principle of hearing everybody. If you wish to speak, I will keep order, and you shall be heard. Rynders was finally quieted by the offer of Francis Jackson to give him a hearing as soon as Mr. Garrison had brought his address to an end. Rev. W. H. Furness, of Philadelphia, who was a member of the convention and also one of the speakers, has preserved for us the contrasts of the occasion. Th
holding and the nonslaveholding States, viz., fealty to party. But in 1848 not even this slender link was intact. The anti-slavery uprising was a fast growing factor in the politics of the free States. This was evinced by the aggressiveness of anti-slavery legislation, the repeal of slave sojournment laws, the enactment of personal liberty laws, the increasing preference manifested by Whig and by Democratic electors for antislavery Whig, and anti-slavery Democratic leaders. Seward and Chase, and Hale and Hamlin, Thaddeus Stevens and Joshua R. Giddings, were all in Congress in 1849. A revolution was working in the North; a revolution was working in the South. New and bolder spirits were rising to leadership in both sections. On the Southern stage were Jefferson Davis, Barnwell Rhett, David Atchison, Howell Cobb, Robert Toombs, and James M. Mason. The outlook was portentous, tempestuous. The tide of excitement culuminated in the crisis of 1850. The extraordinary activity
William Lloyd Garrison (search for this): chapter 20
Chapter 18: the turning of a long lane. Garrison's forecast of the future, directly after the ion of the slavepower was visibly near. With Garrison at one end and Calhoun at the other the work two sections was complete. Ten years before, Garrison had made proclamation that the Union, though arp teeth of the orator's scathing retort. Mr. Garrison-Not a slave-holding or a slave-breeding Jesis Jackson to give him a hearing as soon as Mr. Garrison had brought his address to an end. Rev. he contrasts of the occasion. The close of Mr. Garrison's address, says he, brought down Rynders agmore patient and serene than the bearing of Mr. Garrison. I have always revered Mr. Garrison for hi of this noble band of patriots and brothers, Garrison's detestation of the Union but increased, ande force of deadly missiles. Incapacitated as Garrison was to resort to physical resistance to the F among the large indirect results produced by Garrison. But as Phillips justly remarked, Uncle To[15 more...]
into them and were returned to bondage. From this time on Wendell Phillips became in Boston and in the North more distinctly the leader of the Abolition sentiment. The period of pure moral agitation ended with the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law. That act opened a new era in the movement, an era in which non-resistance had no place, an era in which a resort to physical force in settlement of sectional differences, the whole trend of things were making inevitable. Fighting, the Anglo-Saxon method, as Theodore Parker characterized it, of making a final settlement of just such controversies as was the slavery question, was in the air, had become without any general consciousness of it at the time appearing in the popular mind, a foregone conclusion, from the moment that the South wrested from the National Government the right to defy and override the moral sentiment of free State communities. With this advance of the anti-slavery agitation a stage nearer the end, when fighting
Howell Cobb (search for this): chapter 20
t of personal liberty laws, the increasing preference manifested by Whig and by Democratic electors for antislavery Whig, and anti-slavery Democratic leaders. Seward and Chase, and Hale and Hamlin, Thaddeus Stevens and Joshua R. Giddings, were all in Congress in 1849. A revolution was working in the North; a revolution was working in the South. New and bolder spirits were rising to leadership in both sections. On the Southern stage were Jefferson Davis, Barnwell Rhett, David Atchison, Howell Cobb, Robert Toombs, and James M. Mason. The outlook was portentous, tempestuous. The tide of excitement culuminated in the crisis of 1850. The extraordinary activity of the underground railroad system, and its failure to open the national Territories to slave immigration had transported the South to the verge of disunion. California, fought over by the two foes, was in the act of withdrawing herself from the field of contention to a position of independent Statehood. It was her rap for
Willian H. Seward (search for this): chapter 20
the slave-holding and the nonslaveholding States, viz., fealty to party. But in 1848 not even this slender link was intact. The anti-slavery uprising was a fast growing factor in the politics of the free States. This was evinced by the aggressiveness of anti-slavery legislation, the repeal of slave sojournment laws, the enactment of personal liberty laws, the increasing preference manifested by Whig and by Democratic electors for antislavery Whig, and anti-slavery Democratic leaders. Seward and Chase, and Hale and Hamlin, Thaddeus Stevens and Joshua R. Giddings, were all in Congress in 1849. A revolution was working in the North; a revolution was working in the South. New and bolder spirits were rising to leadership in both sections. On the Southern stage were Jefferson Davis, Barnwell Rhett, David Atchison, Howell Cobb, Robert Toombs, and James M. Mason. The outlook was portentous, tempestuous. The tide of excitement culuminated in the crisis of 1850. The extraordinary
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