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Andrew Johnson (search for this): chapter 22
since been exactly fulfilled in the Southern States. Garrison, however, in the subsequent struggle between Congress and Mr. Lincoln's successor over this selfsame point in its wider relation to all of the Southern States, took sides against Andrew Johnson and in favor of the Congressional fiat method of transforming chattels personal into citizens. The elimination of Abraham Lincoln from, and the introduction of Andrew Johnson upon the National stage at this juncture, did undoubtedly effect sAndrew Johnson upon the National stage at this juncture, did undoubtedly effect such a change of circumstances, as to make the Congressional fiat method a political necessity. It was distinctly the less of two evils which at the moment was thrust upon the choice of the Northern people. The same breadth and liberality of view, which marked his treatment of Mr. Lincoln upon the subject of emancipation and of that of reconstruction, marked his treatment also of other questions which the suppression of the rebellion presented to his consideration. Although a radical peace
George Thompson (search for this): chapter 22
ugh a radical peace man, how just was his attitude toward the men and the measures of the War for the Union. Nothing that he did evinced on his part greater tact or toleration than his admirable behavior iu this respect. To his eldest son, George Thompson, who was no adherent of the doctrine of non-resistance, and who was commissioned by Governor Andrew, a second lieutenant in the Fiftyfifth Massachusetts Regiment, the pioneer wrote expressing his regret that the young lieutenant had not beeninced in a signal and memorable manner a little later when the National Government extended to him an invitation to visit Fort Sumter as its guest on the occasion of the re-raising over it of the Stars and Stripes. He went, and so also went George Thompson, his lifelong friend and coadjutor, who was the recipient of a similar invitation from the Secretary of War. This visit of Mr. Garrison, taken in all its dramatic features, is more like a chapter of fiction, with its strange and improbabl
William Lloyd Garrison (search for this): chapter 22
to haggle at no price to preserve it, so was Garrison disposed to barter the Union itself in exchanr the free States at the outbreak of the war, Garrison saw that the crisis demanded different treatmpation. Against this zeal without discretion Garrison warmly protested. I cannot say that I do notre of criticism and rebuke. Nevertheless Mr. Garrison maintained toward the Government a uniform a new one stood in its place, which knew not Garrison. In the court-house where he was tried and siginal jurymen who gave the verdict against Mr. Garrison are still living, wrote Theodore Tilton, atfrom the Secretary of War. This visit of Mr. Garrison, taken in all its dramatic features, is morten to that in Charleston streets! exclaimed Garrison, on hearing the band of one of the black regild upon the throat of the monster, slavery, Mr. Garrison assured an audience of nearly four thousandy forever secured to the new-born nation. As Garrison remarked at the tomb of Calhoun, on the morni[8 more...]
Andrew G. Curtin (search for this): chapter 22
Law, for suppressing the right of free speech and the freedom of the press on the subject of slavery, and for surrendering the Northern position in opposition to the extension of slavery to national Territories, in order to placate the So'lth and keep it in the Union. Nothing could have possibly been more disastrous to the anti-slavery movement in America than a Union saved on the terms proposed by such Republican leaders as Willian H. Seward, Charles Francis Adams, Thomas Corwin, and Andrew G. Curtin. The Union, under the circumstances, was sure death to the slave, in disunion lay his great life-giving hope. Therefore his tried and sagacious friend was for sacrificing the Union to win for him freedom. As the friends of the Union were disposed to haggle at no price to preserve it, so was Garrison disposed to barter the Union itself in exchange for the abolition of slavery. Now, then, let there be a Conven-Tion of the free States, he suggested, called to organize an independent
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 22
er it during the months which elapsed between Lincoln's election and the attack on Sumter, owing tootion. It is no time for minute criticism of Lincoln, Republicanism, or even the other parties, no confessed that at times during the struggle, Lincoln's timidity and apparent indifference as to th getting a clear insight into the workings of Lincoln's mind, and into the causes which gave to hisIn no instance, however, have I censured him (Lincoln) for not acting upon the highest abstract priof the habitual caution and conservatism of Mr. Lincoln brought upon him a storm of criticism and rng to preserve the Union, it is not for President Lincoln to seek, by a special edict applied to arsonal into citizens. The elimination of Abraham Lincoln from, and the introduction of Andrew John the Republican Convention, which renominated Lincoln was in session. He watched the proceedings fing its last gasp. The assassination of President Lincoln was the dying blow of slavery, aimed thr[8 more...]
Bond (search for this): chapter 22
or seven weeks, like the evil which he had denounced, was gone, and a new one stood in its place, which knew not Garrison. In the court-house where he was tried and sentenced he was received by a United States judge as an illustrious visitor. Judge Bond hunted up the old indictment against the junior editor of the Genius of Universal Emancipation, where it had lain for a generation, during which that guiltless prisoner had started a movement which had shaken the nation by its mighty power, and slavery out of it. Eight or nine of the original jurymen who gave the verdict against Mr. Garrison are still living, wrote Theodore Tilton, at the time, to the Independent, and Judge Bond jocosely threatened to summon them all into Court, that Mr. Garrison might forgive them in public. At Washington the pioneer's reception seemed to him like a dream. And no wonder. He was heartily received by President Lincoln and Secretary Stanton. He was accorded the most marked attentions on the floor
Webster (search for this): chapter 22
Chapter 20: the death-grapple. The triumph of the Republican party at the polls was the signal for the work of dissolution to begin. Webster's terrific vision of a land rent with civil feuds became reality in the short space of six weeks after Lincoln's election, by the secession of South Carolina from the Union. Quickly other Southern States followed, until a United States South was organized, the chief stone in the corner of the new political edifice being Negro slavery. It was not six weeks after the inauguration of Abraham Lincoln, when the roar of cannon in Charleston Harbor announced to the startled country that war between the States had begun. The first call of the new President for troops to put down the rebellion and to save the Union, and the patriotic uprising which it evoked made it plain that the struggle thus opened was to be nothing less than a death-grapple between the two sections. Before the attack on Fort Sumter, Garrison was opposed to coercing the re
Theodore Tilton (search for this): chapter 22
ourt-house where he was tried and sentenced he was received by a United States judge as an illustrious visitor. Judge Bond hunted up the old indictment against the junior editor of the Genius of Universal Emancipation, where it had lain for a generation, during which that guiltless prisoner had started a movement which had shaken the nation by its mighty power, and slavery out of it. Eight or nine of the original jurymen who gave the verdict against Mr. Garrison are still living, wrote Theodore Tilton, at the time, to the Independent, and Judge Bond jocosely threatened to summon them all into Court, that Mr. Garrison might forgive them in public. At Washington the pioneer's reception seemed to him like a dream. And no wonder. He was heartily received by President Lincoln and Secretary Stanton. He was accorded the most marked attentions on the floor of both branches of Congress. On every side there rose up witnesses to the vastness of the revolution which had taken place, and
Charles Francis Adams (search for this): chapter 22
r the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law, for suppressing the right of free speech and the freedom of the press on the subject of slavery, and for surrendering the Northern position in opposition to the extension of slavery to national Territories, in order to placate the So'lth and keep it in the Union. Nothing could have possibly been more disastrous to the anti-slavery movement in America than a Union saved on the terms proposed by such Republican leaders as Willian H. Seward, Charles Francis Adams, Thomas Corwin, and Andrew G. Curtin. The Union, under the circumstances, was sure death to the slave, in disunion lay his great life-giving hope. Therefore his tried and sagacious friend was for sacrificing the Union to win for him freedom. As the friends of the Union were disposed to haggle at no price to preserve it, so was Garrison disposed to barter the Union itself in exchange for the abolition of slavery. Now, then, let there be a Conven-Tion of the free States, he sugge
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 22
war power to put an end for ever to slavery. Radical Abolitionists like Stephen S. Foster were for denying to the Administration anti-slavery support and countenance, and for continuing to heap upon the Government their denunciations until it placed itself openly and unequivocally on the side of freedom, by issuing the edict of emancipation. Against this zeal without discretion Garrison warmly protested. I cannot say that I do not sympathize with the Government, said he, as against Jefferson Davis and his piratical associates. There is not a drop of blood in my veins, both as an Abolitionist and a peace man, that does not flow with the Northern tide of sentiment; for I see, in this grand uprising of the manhood of the North, which has been so long groveling in the dust, a growing appreciation of the value of liberty and free institutions, and a willingness to make any sacrifice in their defence against the barbaric and tyrannical power which avows its purpose, if it can, to crus
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