hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
W. L. G. Lib 3,448 0 Browse Search
W. L. Garrison 924 0 Browse Search
William Lloyd Garrison 331 1 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips 252 0 Browse Search
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) 208 0 Browse Search
United States (United States) 196 0 Browse Search
Edmund Quincy 195 1 Browse Search
Frederick Douglass 168 0 Browse Search
George Thompson 148 0 Browse Search
John Brown 129 1 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. Search the whole document.

Found 936 total hits in 247 results.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 ...
Ambleside (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 10
o weapon formed against you shall prosper. Isa. 54.17. But Mr. Garrison's prediction to Father Mathew that violence and Ante, p. 256. lawlessness would stalk the land in 1850 as in 1835, had been fulfilled; and the end was not yet. A pleasurable reminder of the earlier epoch was contained in the subjoined letter, from the author of The martyr age of the United States, which crossed the ocean almost simultaneously with Thompson: Harriet Martineau to W. L. Garrison. The Knoll, Ambleside, October 23d, 1850. Ms. my dear friend: This is just to say that if you should ere long receive £10 by the hands of my friend Ellis Gray Loring, I hope you will accept it for the Liberator, as my very humble offering in your great cause. I don't know for certain that you will get it. That depends on whether I get properly paid by an American publishing firm. I have no reason whatever to doubt their doing their duty by me. It is only that, somehow or other, such payments seldom come i
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 10
itable in Lib. 20.21. the case of California, and admit her as a free State— yet with the air of conceding something. To organize the Territories acquired from Mexico without raising the question of slavery—virtuously resisting the Southern demand for the prolongation of the Missouri Compromise parallel (because, said he, that arning that his election boded no good to the Ante, p. 238. Slave Power's schemes of expansion, for which, nevertheless, as a soldier, he had fought the war with Mexico. His Ante, p. 274; Lib. 20.114. attitude towards the grasping designs of Texas on New Mexico, and repression of the Southern filibustering Lib. 19.14, 136; 20Mexico, and repression of the Southern filibustering Lib. 19.14, 136; 20.114. against Cuba; his recommendation that California be Lib. 20.116. admitted a free State without conditions—dismayed the Southern extremists, and caused the anti-slavery North to regard his death as a calamity. It is incredible, however, that Taylor would not have signed the Fugitive Slave Bill. All we can say is, that he<
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
ition? How did he resent the expulsion of Massachusetts from the Federal Ante, p. 130. courts in tion in unreal, ghostly abstractions. His Massachusetts Lib. 20.70. fellow-citizens, reluctant torm a disagreeable duty. Lib. 20.70. Would Massachusetts, he asked sardonically, conquer her own Preceived a crushing Lib. 20.182. defeat in Massachusetts. But more immediately response was made ie other Southern States just as well as in Massachusetts. Captain Rynders—Are you aware that theust denounce it. So did the Quaker poet of Massachusetts: John G. Whittier to W. L. Garrison.ew up for them an address to the clergy of Massachusetts. Lib. 20.162, 177. The short-sighted of higher-law sermons, mostly preached in Massachusetts, in Lib. 21: 46. For instance, the chancesncing fugitive slaves foreigners to us [in Massachusetts], with no right to be here, and to be repeonly to say, I bid you God-speed, women of Massachusetts and New England, in this good work! Whene[3 more...]
New York (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
ope not. Public opinion should be regulated. These abolitionists should not be allowed to misrepresent New York. He besought his regulators to go on Tuesday morning to the Tabernacle, and there look at the black and white brethren and sisters, fraternizing, slobbering over each other, speaking, praying, singing, blaspheming, and cursing the Constitution of our glorious Union, and then say whether these things shall go forth to the South and the world as the feeling of the great city of New York. Every citizen has a right, legally, and more than morally, to have his say at the amalgamation meeting on Tuesday. The Union expects every man to do his duty; and duty to the Union, in the present crisis, points out to us that we should allow no more fuel to be placed upon the fire of abolitionism in our midst, when we can prevent it by sound reasoning and calm remonstrances. May 7, 1850. On May 2, the Herald returned to the subject, drawing somewhat nearer to the leader of the
Plymouth County (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
agreeable duty—it is not every man who can perform a disagreeable duty. Lib. 20.70. Would Massachusetts, he asked sardonically, conquer her own Prejudices? Lib. 20.70. The answer to this question was rendered at the polls in November, when the Whig party received a crushing Lib. 20.182. defeat in Massachusetts. But more immediately response was made in Faneuil Hall by abolitionists and Free Lib. 20.47, 50. Soilers; by the colored people of Boston; by the voters of Lib. 20.55. Plymouth County, the home of Webster; and widely by the religious press. These fanned the excitement Lib. 20.57, 58. attending the debates over the Compromise in Congress; those which grew out of the petitions for peaceable disunion Lib. 20.29, 30, 38. presented by John P. Hale in the Senate; the calling of the Nashville Convention to concert disunion from the Lib. 21.3. Southern point of view; the various Southern legislative Lib. 20.5, 26, 31, 34. preparations for the same event. South Carolina
Hudson River (United States) (search for this): chapter 10
dell Phillips, of Edmund Quincy, of Charles F. Hovey, of William H. Furness, of Samuel May, Jr., of Sydney Howard Gay, of Isaac T. Hopper, of Henry C. Wright, of Abby Kelley Foster, of Frederick Douglass, of Mr. Garrison—against whom his menaces were specially directed. Never was a human being more out of his element. Isaiah Rynders, a native American, of mixed German N. Y. Times, Jan. 14, 1884. and Irish lineage, was now some forty-six years of age. He began life as a boatman on the Hudson River, and, passing easily into the sporting class, went to seek his fortunes as a professional gambler in the paradise of the Southwest. In this region he became familiar with all forms of violence, including the institution of slavery. After many personal hazards and vicissitudes, he returned to New York city, where he proved to be admirably qualified for local political leadership in connection with Tammany Hall. A sporting-house which he opened became a Democratic rendezvous and the hea
Glasgow (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 10
of India. Would his heroic labors meantime in the service of the Rajah of Sattara, Ante, p. 173. and his present intention to lecture in America on British Lib. 20.170; 21.3. India, appease Boston respectability?—or his part in abolishing the Corn Laws, or his actual employment by Lib. 20.170, 178, 186. the National Reform Association for enlarging the political rights and improving the condition of the working classes? Noteworthy in this connection is a poster seen in the streets of Glasgow in November, 1850, which ran thus: Fugitive Slave Bill and manhood Suffrage.—A great public meeting of Working Men and others friendly to Slave Emancipation, and a just measure of Political Reform in the British House of Commons, will be held in the City Hall, on Tuesday evening, the 26th inst., when resolutions will be submitted condemnatory of Slavery and the Fugitive Slave Bill, recently become law in the United States, and also against an Exclusive Suffrage in this country. The order o
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
was made to cow the North Ante, 2.4. through the medium of its trade, and the Union meetings Lib. 20.29, 34, 37, 177, 195, 197, 201, 202; 21.1, 3. with which the year opened and closed were largely sustained by the mercantile community. In Pennsylvania, Ms. Feb. 16, 1850, B. Rush Plumly to W. L. G. the Democrats were ready to sacrifice the slavery issue to that of protection for the iron interest. In New York, John A. Dix, lately United States Senator from that State, wrote on June 17, 18th a power I have yet to hear equalled ( Life and work of J. R. W. Sloane, D. D., p. 84). We quote above from the account of the Rynders mob written by Dr. Furness for a friend of his in Congress, but allowed to be published anonymously in the Pennsylvania Freeman of May 23, 1850 (Lib. 20: 81). We shall also have occasion to use another account from the same hand, printed on pp. 28-35 of the pamphlet commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of his ordination (Philadelphia, 1875), and reprinted in
Amesbury (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
n who put down an abolition meeting one day, may themselves be put down to-morrow. . . . It was not, continued the Ledger, an offence against the abolitionists that the mob comemitted when they broke up Garrison's meeting, but an offence against the Constitution, against the Union, against the people, against popular rights and the great cause of human freedom. As such, every republican must denounce it. So did the Quaker poet of Massachusetts: John G. Whittier to W. L. Garrison. Amesbury, 13th 5th mo., 1850. Ms., and Lib. 20:[79]. dear friend Garrison: I have just laid down a New York paper giving the disgraceful details of the outrage upon Free Speech at your late meeting in New York; and I cannot resist the inclination to drop a line to thee, expressive of my hearty sympathy with thee in this matter. We have not always thought alike in respect to the best means of promoting the anti-slavery cause, and perhaps we differ quite as widely now as ever; but when the right
Marshfield (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
—who ever identified himself with the abolitionists. As is well known, a slaveholding Southern Episcopal Bishop became a Confederate Major-General. Daniel Webster's incredible 7th of March speech, in Lib. 20.42, 43, 45. wholesale support of the Compromise, carried dismay to the Conscience Whigs, who had built their hopes of him on random utterances disconnected by any logic of principle or behavior, and infused by no warmth of heart or ray of pity for the slave. True, he had said at Marshfield, Lib. 20.47; Webster's Works, 2.437. in September, 1842: We talk of the North. There has for a long time been no North. I think the North Star is at last discovered; I think there will be a North exhibiting a strong, conscientious, and united opposition to slavery. True, he had said in New York in March, 1837, during the Texas excitement: The subject [of slavery] has not only attracted attention as Webster's Works, 1.357; Lib. 20.193. a question of politics, but it has struck a
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 ...