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Roxbury, Mass. (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
ons to attend mass meetings in other States,—Vermont, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Ohio,—and to speak in the cities of New York, Brooklyn, Albany, and Philadelphia; but except a week in Maine, he confined himself to Massachusetts, speaking in the principal towns and cities, In Maine he spoke at Portland, Bath. Waterville, Augusta, Gardiner, and perhaps one or two other points in that State In Massachusetts he spoke at Central Hall, Boston, September 14, and at other dates at Plymouth, Roxbury, Somerville, Chelsea, Milford, Newburyport, Dorchester, Amherst, Pittsfield, Great Barrington, Adams, Stockbridge, Chicopee, Springfield, Lynn, Salem, Brookline, Nantucket, Fall River, Taunton, Lowell, Fitchburg, Dedham, Canton, Worcester, and Cambridge. and on October 31 at Faneuil Hall. The speech was not written out, and no report is preserved He wrote a summary of points on a single sheet, which is preserved, and he had always with him an anonymous political pamphlet, much referred
Adams, S. C. (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
date any conspicuous leader of the party, trained and experienced in civil affairs, and of national reputation as a statesman; but that he would riot advise the nomination, or recommend the election, of a swearing, fighting, frontier colonel The antislavery Whigs of Massachusetts, anticipating the result of the Whig convention, conferred in advance as to the manner in which they should meet it. On May 27 there was a conference in Boston at the office of C. F. Adams, where were present Adams, S. C. Phillips, Sumner, Wilson, E. R. Hoar, E. L. Keyes, F. W. Bird, and Edward Walcutt. They decided in case General Taylor, or any candidate not distinctly committed against the extension of slavery, should be nominated at Philadelphia to enter at once upon an organized opposition to his election, and to call a State convention for the purpose. At a later meeting, June 5, they approved a form of call prepared by E. R. Hoar, and agreed to issue it in the event of General Taylor's nomination.
Fitchburg (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
elf to Massachusetts, speaking in the principal towns and cities, In Maine he spoke at Portland, Bath. Waterville, Augusta, Gardiner, and perhaps one or two other points in that State In Massachusetts he spoke at Central Hall, Boston, September 14, and at other dates at Plymouth, Roxbury, Somerville, Chelsea, Milford, Newburyport, Dorchester, Amherst, Pittsfield, Great Barrington, Adams, Stockbridge, Chicopee, Springfield, Lynn, Salem, Brookline, Nantucket, Fall River, Taunton, Lowell, Fitchburg, Dedham, Canton, Worcester, and Cambridge. and on October 31 at Faneuil Hall. The speech was not written out, and no report is preserved He wrote a summary of points on a single sheet, which is preserved, and he had always with him an anonymous political pamphlet, much referred to at the time. Entitled General Taylor and the Wilmot Proviso. This also is preserved, with the numerous marks which he made upon it. The biographer has availed himself of brief notices of the speech in the n
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 5
f delegates to be both a worthy and an available candidate. A small number of delegates from New England stood faithfully by Webster. The convention put forth no platform of principles and measuressembly distinguished for that loyalty to moral principle which has been the life and glory of New England. Finding no hall large enough, the multitude thronged upon the Common. The venerable Samueld said: The young man who hisses will regret it ere his hair turns gray. He can be no son of New England; her soil would spurn him. That rebuke restored quiet, and afterwards the speaker and those speech at Worcester in June, in which he mentioned the secret influence that went forth from New England, especially from Massachusetts, and contributed powerfully to Taylor's nomination, and in whirs and flesh-mongers of Louisiana and Mississippi, and the cotton-spinners and traffickers of New England; between the lords of the lash and the lords of the loom,—led to a correspondence with Nathan
Alaska (Alaska, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
t by a vote which was rather party than sectional. The advantages of the acquisition were too apparent, and the passion for territorial expansion too strong, to admit of this feeble expedient for resisting the course of events. Sumner from the beginning believed the acquisition to be inevitable, and treated the no more territory makeshift as altogether impracticable. Indeed, he never accepted the Whig idea of keeping the republic within its ancient limits, and was ready—as his welcome to Alaska and Canada late in life shows—for any extension on the continent which came naturally and justly. Adams, in the Boston Whig, July 29, Aug. 4 and 21, 1847, combated the no territory position as untenable. Contemporaneously with the debates concerning the exclusion of slavery from Mexican territory to be acquired, there was a similar contest as to a territorial government for Oregon. After a discussion prolonged from the previous session, a provision interdicting slavery in that territ
Illinois (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
euil Hall wrote that it was spoken of at the time as the greatest speech of the campaign. Boston Chronotype, November 1. It may be noted that at Chelsea he preceded by one evening Abraham Lincoln, who, then the only Whig member of Congress from Illinois, had been brought by his party to the State. Mr. Lincoln spoke first at Worcester on the evening before the Whig State convention, and a liberal summary of his speech, chiefly directed against the Free Soilers, appeared in the Boston Advertisthan three hundred thousand votes, exceeding but a small percentage one tenth of the vote cast; 291,342 in all. and two-thirds of his vote came from New York, Massachusetts, and Ohio. New York, 120,510; Massachusetts, 38,058; Ohio, 35,354; Illinois, 15,774; Vermont, 13,837; Maine, 12,096; Pennsylvania, 11,263; Wisconsin, 10,418; Michigan, 10,389. He led Cass only in New York and Massachusetts, but by dividing the Democratic vote in New York effected Taylor's election. As the majority rule
Lowell (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
o men so deserving of invective and proscription as those who, having once borne its name, refused to submit to its authority. The last two named were at this period its managers. Schouler was by nature genial and kindly, and while an editor at Lowell was one of the antislavery Whigs who organized the opposition to the admission of Texas as a slave State. But he now yielded to the traditions of his journal and to the tone of the politicians who frequented his establishment. Instead of treatie a part of your nature rather than from selfish calculation. A correspondence with an old friend, Samuel Lawrence, occurred later in the canvass, which was even more unpleasant than that with Mr. Appleton. A year before, when lecturing at Lowell, he had been invited by Mr. Lawrence to be his guest. Their early friendship has been noted in this Memoir. Ante, vol. i. p. 199. Sumner, in the political speech which he made at different places in the canvass, had cited, in support of his vi
Clayton, Ala. (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
were turbulent and defiant, threatening disunion and armed resistance if their alleged right of dominion should be denied. In the midst of this turmoil and uncertainty, when Northern votes in Congress were shifting, and political leaders were hiding behind subterfuges, there was an uprising in the free States which defeated the Clayton compromise, forced the organization of Oregon as a free territory, and reserved the question as to California and New Mexico for a popular agitation. The Clayton compromise was defeated in the House less than two weeks before the meeting of the Free Soil convention at Buffalo; and the Oregon bill was passed just after its adjournment. The New York Tribune, though afterwards supporting Taylor, ascribed to the convention the passage of the bill without any concession to slavery. Giddings, in a letter to Sumner, Sept 8, 1850, considered that the Free Soil movement saved California to freedom. The Democratic national convention meeting at Baltimor
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
ons, and less susceptible to popular pressure. Uniformly the House receded from its position, and the Proviso was lost. Thus the question was left open for the national election of 1848. When the issue of freedom or slavery for the new territory had been sharply drawn, a considerable body of the Whigs—the Southern generally, and the Northern to a large extent—sought to escape it by a declaration against any acquisition from Mexico. This proposition was made in the Senate by Berrien of Georgia, a Whig, in February, 1847, expressly, as he said, in the interest of the South; it was favored by other Southern men as a mode of allaying sectional agitation; and in the North, Whig politicians accepted it as a, device for keeping the peace within the party. Webster earnestly advocated it; Speeches of March 1, 1847, and March 23, 1848. Webster's Works, vol. v. pp. 253, 271. Corwin gave it later his sanction as a way of avoiding a direct issue on the Wilmot Proviso; At Carthage, O
Brookline (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
lphia; but except a week in Maine, he confined himself to Massachusetts, speaking in the principal towns and cities, In Maine he spoke at Portland, Bath. Waterville, Augusta, Gardiner, and perhaps one or two other points in that State In Massachusetts he spoke at Central Hall, Boston, September 14, and at other dates at Plymouth, Roxbury, Somerville, Chelsea, Milford, Newburyport, Dorchester, Amherst, Pittsfield, Great Barrington, Adams, Stockbridge, Chicopee, Springfield, Lynn, Salem, Brookline, Nantucket, Fall River, Taunton, Lowell, Fitchburg, Dedham, Canton, Worcester, and Cambridge. and on October 31 at Faneuil Hall. The speech was not written out, and no report is preserved He wrote a summary of points on a single sheet, which is preserved, and he had always with him an anonymous political pamphlet, much referred to at the time. Entitled General Taylor and the Wilmot Proviso. This also is preserved, with the numerous marks which he made upon it. The biographer has avai
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