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Mount Auburn (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
ltum cogitanti, it seems best that our case, in length and breadth, with all details, should be stated to England without any demand of any kind. This was (lone by Sumner's advice in the letter of Fish to Motley, Sept. 25, 1869. England must know our grievances before any demand can be presented. When this is comprehended, a settlement will be easy. Sumner came home from Washington shortly after the middle of June, in time to follow his old friend, Richard Fletcher, to his grave at Mt. Auburn. During the recess of Congress, he was several times with the Saturday Club. At the end of August he was glad to welcome Longfellow home from Europe. Late in the autumn Mr. Winthrop invited him to meet at his house Pere Hyacinthe, but he was unable to accept. In August he was the guest of Mr. and Mrs. J. V. L. Pruyn, at Albany, Sumner's acquaintance with Mr. Pruyn began when the latter (a Democrat) was a member of the House of Representatives. and there dined with Mrs. Pruyn's fathe
Hudson River (United States) (search for this): chapter 11
e was unable to accept. In August he was the guest of Mr. and Mrs. J. V. L. Pruyn, at Albany, Sumner's acquaintance with Mr. Pruyn began when the latter (a Democrat) was a member of the House of Representatives. and there dined with Mrs. Pruyn's father, Judge Amasa Parker. Thence he went to Henry Winthrop Sargent's, at Fishkill-on-the-Hudson, where he amused himself with studying his classmate's experiments in horticulture. Next he visited Mr. Fish, who wrote from Glenclyffe, on the Hudson River, August 3: We shall be very glad to see you; you will always find a welcome under my roof. Let me know by what train you are coming. The President and family will be with us on Thursday, to remain a few days. . . . I telegraph to Boston, and send this to Albany. Sumner in his visit to Mr. Fish in August advised him to renew the discussion with the British government by a fresh and vigorous statement of our case. He thought the time favorable, as there was a lull in the demonstration
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 11
Do you think that the government of the United States, under which we have lived, will ever agaiented by acts causing direct damage to the United States. Then followed the instructions to the sation a systematic maritime war against the United States, and charging it to be an act of unfriendlsign of a purpose of unfriendliness to the United States and of friendliness to the insurgents, one above citations show, the position of the United States from 1861 to 1872, maintained by Seward, Amost important too, at this time, that the United States should not weaken its position in its contented by acts causing direct damage to the United States. Works, vol. XIV. p. 272. It is possibction calculated to be inconvenient to the United States or unjust to Spain. The general mistookts jewels. The idea seemed to be that the United States should mediate between Spain and the insurarding the future union of Canada with the United States as an appointed destiny, it must come, suc[19 more...]
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
ong those who wrote to Sumner in terms of unstinted praise were H. B. Anthony, senator; F. T. Frelinghuysen, ex-senator; E. D. Morgan, former governor of New York; John H. Clifford, former governor of Massachusetts; John M. Read, the jurist of Pennsylvania; and James Russell Lowell. The current of opinion was the same in the press. The leaders of the New York journals laid stress on the senator's judicial treatment of the question, his calm and friendly tone, and his pacific spirit. New Yorl. XIII. pp. 131-183. which he delivered as a lecture before lyceums during the autumn,—first in Boston, October 21, and afterwards in other places in Massachusetts, as also in Maine, Vermont, Rhode Island, New Jersey, New York, Delaware, and Pennsylvania, and finally in the cities of Brooklyn and New York. Its preparation seemed like a full six months work. It abounded in historical and ethnological learning; it pleaded for the essential unity of the race, and most of all for the full recogn
Kansas (Kansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
lobe's Appendix, where the well-considered arguments made in either house appear. What he did and said in the Senate was to answer calls for the yeas and nays, present petitions, offer a few resolutions, report one or two bills, reply now and then to questions from his associates, make an inquiry, or explain some interlocutory matter,—and this was all. Not a word came from him, even during the struggle on the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, or the invasions and violence which followed in Kansas,—an historic contest in which every man who had any earnest feeling for or against slavery took part. Outwardly Mr. Fish maintained relations with his colleague; but at heart he was antipathetic to him, Seward made a generous defence of Fish in the Senate, Feb. 20, 1855, when the latter was assailed by some New York ship-owners.—very hostile to his antislavery position, and to his candidacy for President. This appears in letters in manuscript from Fish to Sumner. Some of them apply<
France (France) (search for this): chapter 11
war; but if it does it without good reason it is an unfriendly act. Fish was also very desirous to separate England from France, and I drew a clause to meet this point. Obviously the two cases are different. Both did wrong in the concession of belligerency, but it was only in England that the concession was followed by blockade-runners and pirate ships. In France there was damnun absque injuria; in England, damnun cum injuria. And yet the English are busy over this alleged inconsistency of my speech in arraigning England and not arraigning France. But (1) There was no French treaty under discussion; and (2) There were no damages from France. All this is plain enough. I feel very grateful to Cushing, who has brought his authority to bFrance. All this is plain enough. I feel very grateful to Cushing, who has brought his authority to bear on Fish. I say to you for your encouragement that he agrees with me on all the points. To my mind, his opinion is the best we can have. J. C. B. Davis misapplies Sumner's protest, which was against Fish's first draft of the instructions, an
Chicago (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
om his seat on the Hudson: I do not wish to go back to Washington, and most sincerely wish I were out of the department. The relations of the President and of the senator were, up to the time of the San Domingo controversy, altogether agreeable. An associate of the senator on the committee on foreign relations states that the chairman, as well as other members, chafed at times under nominations for foreign posts which seemed below the correct standard; One of these was J. R. Jones of Chicago, for Belgium. Works, vol. XIV. p. 260. but anxious to preserve harmony, they approved most of them. Fish and Sumner were naturally in accord as to the attainments and character required of our representatives abroad; but the former, from facility of nature, was not disclosed to stand in the way of the President's inclinations. Mr. Motley was nominated, April 12, as minister to England. He was confirmed the 13th, the same day that the Johnson-Clarendon convention was rejected. The s
Haverhill (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
, had committed himself in favor of the minister's work. W. E. Forster complained that the senator condemned what the, fashionable people of England had done, without taking into account the sympathies of the working people for our cause; but Sumner's reply was that he had dealt with the government, and not with divisions of the people. His correspondence with Mr. Forster is printed in the latter's life by T. W. Reid (vol. II. pp. 15-21). Mr. Forster, in an address to his constituents at Bradford, May 21, made a reply, in a friendly tone, to the senator's speech. It is not, however, difficult to account for their misconception of his temper and purpose. The mass of men, even of intelligent men, are not critical readers; and they did not take note that he had spoken in the line of all the diplomatic statements of our grievances. In a few instances the conformity of the speech to the preceding statements of the American case was recognized. The Pall Mall Gazette, April 29, wrote
Maine (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
on those of the senator from Massachusetts. Sumner's uppermost thought at this time, so far as domestic affairs were concerned, was to establish absolute political and civil equality through the land. As the sentiment or prejudice of race stood in the way, he prepared an elaborate discourse on Caste, Works, vol. XIII. pp. 131-183. which he delivered as a lecture before lyceums during the autumn,—first in Boston, October 21, and afterwards in other places in Massachusetts, as also in Maine, Vermont, Rhode Island, New Jersey, New York, Delaware, and Pennsylvania, and finally in the cities of Brooklyn and New York. Its preparation seemed like a full six months work. It abounded in historical and ethnological learning; it pleaded for the essential unity of the race, and most of all for the full recognition of the African as man and citizen. He sought not only the political enfranchisement of the colored people, but the opening to them of all the opportunities of civilization.
Palermo (Italy) (search for this): chapter 11
, while willing to make other provision for Dr. Howe, declined to recommend him for Greece, to the displacement of a gentleman with whose family he was in friendly relations. Sumner thought Dr. Howe specially fitted for that one mission by early and constant connection with the country, and declined to name him for any other. He was sorely disappointed; but he saw the force of the secretary's reasons, and did no injustice to his motives. Luigi Monti was-displaced from the consulship at Palermo, but Mr. Fish restored him at Sumner's request. His failure to obtain what he had most at heart in the line of appointments makes it doubly improbable that Motley's selection was due to his potency. Unfortunately for Motley, he was required by the President to take with him as secretary of legation Adam Badeau, whose tales of public life are compounded of gossip and fiction, and who has followed hungrily the fortunes of public men, and been faithful in the pursuit so long as it has prov
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