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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir. Search the whole document.

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Nicholas Fish (search for this): chapter 25
cance that I laid it before the President and Mr. Fish. It was followed by others all breathing theion between the two countries was practicable. Fish said that England had on two occasions shown grshington. Rose took the idea at once; and then Fish developed the points on which he thought the twthe treaty, were drawn up and signed by him and Fish. They were dated so as to give the appearance the arrangements made were in reality those of Fish and Rose. It was at this time that Fish consFish consulted Sumner, and the Senator laid down the impossible but indispensable stipulation that England shtstanding difficulties with the United States. Fish had suggested that Rose should be one of the cold join the British representation, but to this Fish objected, because he said Bright was so committnt, of course, was greatly concerned, Grant and Fish especially so; for their glory would be lessenenship. For given all the honor they deserve to Fish and Schenck and Evarts and Bancroft Davis and C
Caleb Cushing (search for this): chapter 25
ration composed of five members of different nationalities, to sit at Geneva. In December, 1871, the Tribunal met, and the parties to the dispute put in their statements. Bancroft Davis was the agent of the United States. William M. Evarts, Caleb Cushing, and Morrison R. Waite were counsel on the American side. In the American case the question of consequential damages was proposed. The claims were not elaborately maintained, but the inquiry was made whether they could not be considered. A of settling peacefully a tremendous difference with to us at least the most important of modern nations will be Grant's greatest proof of statesmanship. For given all the honor they deserve to Fish and Schenck and Evarts and Bancroft Davis and Cushing and Waite—and no other Americans have earned equal credit in our day for any single act of civil life—still Grant was the head; it was for him always to decide. If he had been backward or uncertain, if he had failed in judgment or nerve or saga
Edward Thornton (search for this): chapter 25
e had conveyed. He was in America in the autumn and early winter of 1870 for this purpose. At first negotiations went on without the apparent intervention of Thornton, the accredited British Minister. Rose, it is true, communicated to the Minister all that occurred; but the preliminaries were purposely contrived so that the Gough. Nothing would necessarily appear on the records of the Legation. But when all was arranged, and Rose's course had been approved by telegraph from London, Thornton went to the State Department officially. The four letters stipulating for a Joint High Commission, which were afterward published with the treaty, were drawn upde Grey, Sir Stafford Northcote, and Professor Mountague Bernard, of Oxford University, together with Sir John MacDonald, at that time Canadian Premier, and Sir Edward Thornton were appointed commissioners on the part of Great Britain to settle all outstanding difficulties with the United States. Fish had suggested that Rose shoul
Williams (search for this): chapter 25
e he said Bright was so committed to the American view that his action would have less weight in England. Lord de Grey, afterwards Lord Ripon, was a member of Gladstone's cabinet, and Northcote, afterward Lord Iddesleigh, belonged to the opposition. The American commissioners were the Secretary of State, General Schenck, the newly appointed Minister to England, Judge Nelson of the Supreme Court (a Democrat), ex-Attorney-General Hoar, and the actual law officer of the Government, Attorney-General Williams. It was at this juncture that the Administration requested its friends in the Senate to select another chairman for the Committee on Foreign Affairs, as Sumner's impracticable doctrines, as well as his refusal to speak to either the President or the Secretary of State made the treaty an impossibility if he remained in the place. Sumner was removed, and the negotiations proceeded successfully. In less than two months the British commissioners returned to London, carrying the trea
Charles Francis Adams (search for this): chapter 25
I was still in London and on intimate terms with the Minister, General Schenck, and I suppose as much in his confidence as it was proper I should be. How hard he worked to avert a war, how fertile he was in invention, how faithful to his country's interest, how dignified yet courteous in his attitude toward England, how anxious to discover some means of avoiding a rupture, nobody living knows better than I. No finer diplomatic services were ever rendered the United States; not even those of Adams during the Rebellion were more arduous or indispensable. A single false step, a maladroit expression, an ill-tempered or insufficient act, might have precipitated war. For the feeling in England ran very high. At times it was positively offensive to Americans, especially official ones. More than once at clubs and dinners I had to resent remarks that no good American could listen to in silence, and yet I, too, in my sphere was bound to be courteous and reserved. But we had our friends.
McMillan (search for this): chapter 25
followed by others all breathing the kindest spirit on the part of the English authorities. My answers were submitted to the President, and when I returned to England the next year I told Lord Halifax that I had shown his letters to General Grant. He admitted having written them with the hope that they would be seen by the President and his Government. About this time also I wrote an article on Our Relations with England, which appeared simultaneously in Harpers' Magazine in New York and McMillan's in London. This paper, bearing the signature of an officer at the Executive Mansion who had so recently served in the American Legation at London, was recognized as sanctioned by the Administration. It was of course read in advance by both the President and the Secretary of State, and was intended to indicate the good feeling of Grant's Government and its desire for amicable relations with England. It had now become very desirable that this feeling should be generally known, both bec
Schenck (search for this): chapter 25
ote, afterward Lord Iddesleigh, belonged to the opposition. The American commissioners were the Secretary of State, General Schenck, the newly appointed Minister to England, Judge Nelson of the Supreme Court (a Democrat), ex-Attorney-General Hoar, at the British Commissioners started for America. After Motley's removal there was no American Minister in London until Schenck should arrive, but the Secretary of Legation, Mr. Moran, was acting Charge d'affaires. My own position was that of Consled among those who knew how imminent the danger was. I was still in London and on intimate terms with the Minister, General Schenck, and I suppose as much in his confidence as it was proper I should be. How hard he worked to avert a war, how fertilant of modern nations will be Grant's greatest proof of statesmanship. For given all the honor they deserve to Fish and Schenck and Evarts and Bancroft Davis and Cushing and Waite—and no other Americans have earned equal credit in our day for any s
Nelson (search for this): chapter 25
n. It was also at one time proposed that John Bright should join the British representation, but to this Fish objected, because he said Bright was so committed to the American view that his action would have less weight in England. Lord de Grey, afterwards Lord Ripon, was a member of Gladstone's cabinet, and Northcote, afterward Lord Iddesleigh, belonged to the opposition. The American commissioners were the Secretary of State, General Schenck, the newly appointed Minister to England, Judge Nelson of the Supreme Court (a Democrat), ex-Attorney-General Hoar, and the actual law officer of the Government, Attorney-General Williams. It was at this juncture that the Administration requested its friends in the Senate to select another chairman for the Committee on Foreign Affairs, as Sumner's impracticable doctrines, as well as his refusal to speak to either the President or the Secretary of State made the treaty an impossibility if he remained in the place. Sumner was removed, and the
Bancroft Davis (search for this): chapter 25
ated to me very fully their views, all of which I duly transmitted either to the President or the Secretary of State, or sometimes to the Assistant Secretary, Bancroft Davis, with whom, as well as with his two superiors, I was in close and constant correspondence. If nothing more, the messages I sent served to show how anxious Gld of five members of different nationalities, to sit at Geneva. In December, 1871, the Tribunal met, and the parties to the dispute put in their statements. Bancroft Davis was the agent of the United States. William M. Evarts, Caleb Cushing, and Morrison R. Waite were counsel on the American side. In the American case the questthe most important of modern nations will be Grant's greatest proof of statesmanship. For given all the honor they deserve to Fish and Schenck and Evarts and Bancroft Davis and Cushing and Waite—and no other Americans have earned equal credit in our day for any single act of civil life—still Grant was the head; it was for him alw
Grey (search for this): chapter 25
hdraw her flag from this continent as a preliminary to any further negotiation. Needless to say no such proviso appeared in the compact or was ever proposed to any British representative. Rose returned to England, and immediately afterward Lord de Grey, Sir Stafford Northcote, and Professor Mountague Bernard, of Oxford University, together with Sir John MacDonald, at that time Canadian Premier, and Sir Edward Thornton were appointed commissioners on the part of Great Britain to settle all ou in London. It was also at one time proposed that John Bright should join the British representation, but to this Fish objected, because he said Bright was so committed to the American view that his action would have less weight in England. Lord de Grey, afterwards Lord Ripon, was a member of Gladstone's cabinet, and Northcote, afterward Lord Iddesleigh, belonged to the opposition. The American commissioners were the Secretary of State, General Schenck, the newly appointed Minister to Englan
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