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liar courtesy toward women, and is justified by no precedent, or vestige of precedent, in the horrible annals either of despotic repression or warlike success. Tilley and Wallerstein have not left in history a character for exaggerated tenderness—but no such disgrace as this attaches to their name. The late Grand Duke Constantine was not a sentimental Governor. It is said of him that on one occasion he sent to prison the husbands of all the Polish ladies of rank who refused to dance with Russian officers at a state ball. But when we come to speak of guilt such as that of the Republican General, even Constantine's blood-stained crime is spotless. He would have driven from his presence any officer—if any such European officer could have been found—who should have suggested to him the decree that the Polish Countesses might be treated as women of the town. We can do nothing in England to arrest such proceedings. (We can only learn from them what South America might have taught us <
al Butler's name. The crimes of European despots have either been justified by some precedent of statecraft or of war, or were palliated by the barbarism of the people among whom they were committed. But this Republican proceeding was done among people for whom their maudlin advocates here claim a special enlightenment and a peculiar courtesy toward women, and is justified by no precedent, or vestige of precedent, in the horrible annals either of despotic repression or warlike success. Tilley and Wallerstein have not left in history a character for exaggerated tenderness—but no such disgrace as this attaches to their name. The late Grand Duke Constantine was not a sentimental Governor. It is said of him that on one occasion he sent to prison the husbands of all the Polish ladies of rank who refused to dance with Russian officers at a state ball. But when we come to speak of guilt such as that of the Republican General, even Constantine's blood-stained crime is spotless. He wo
In some cases it may have been firmly though mildly checked, in most instances it has been contempuously passed by. Banishment from the places where their expressions of opinion might be embarrassing has usually been the extremest measure of rigor to which they have been exposed. Occasionally the animosity of some peculiarly brutal officer has hurried him beyond this limit, and he has inflicted upon women the punishments that are reserved for men. Such an instance was the well-known case of Haynau. But the execrations of all Europe spurned the perpetrator of that outrage, and rest upon his name even to this day. Yet his offense against humanity was light compared to that of which General Butler has been guilty. He outraged but one victim, and his cruelty left no stain upon her fame. No commander of any civilized nation in the world up to this time has carried his contempt for manly feeling so far, as deliberately, for the purpose of repression, long after the excitement of battle
G. W. B. Hale (search for this): chapter 1.20
king of the effect of Young's remarks, a newspaper writer gave the following descriptive account: Butler himself was not one of the first to catch the meaning of the hot, biting words which rang out so clear and distinct that not one syllable was unheard in the farthest corner of the hall. Butler clutched nervously at his desk, and leaned forward, as if he wanted to drink in the fearful arraignment to the full. Brown was evidently deeply in earnest, and after the first interruption by Hale, of New York, had the benefit of an exceedingly attentive audience, every one, both on the floor and in the galleries, having turned to hear what he intended to say. He is one of the best speakers in the House and gifted with a tenor voice which sounds with all the clear ring of silver. He has a deal of warmth and earnestness in his manner that makes his delivery unusually impressive under any circumstances, and this increased to-day as he neared the climax of his characterization to a pitch
Constantine (search for this): chapter 1.20
the people among whom they were committed. But this Republican proceeding was done among people for whom their maudlin advocates here claim a special enlightenment and a peculiar courtesy toward women, and is justified by no precedent, or vestige of precedent, in the horrible annals either of despotic repression or warlike success. Tilley and Wallerstein have not left in history a character for exaggerated tenderness—but no such disgrace as this attaches to their name. The late Grand Duke Constantine was not a sentimental Governor. It is said of him that on one occasion he sent to prison the husbands of all the Polish ladies of rank who refused to dance with Russian officers at a state ball. But when we come to speak of guilt such as that of the Republican General, even Constantine's blood-stained crime is spotless. He would have driven from his presence any officer—if any such European officer could have been found—who should have suggested to him the decree that the Polish C<
Richard Brown (search for this): chapter 1.20
enunciation of his course in war and peace, delivered in Congress by John young Brown. By Captain James Dinkins. Those who have respect for the maxim, de mortuis soil the mantle of Charity by spreading it over his beastly record. John Young Brown, of Kentucky, told the plain truth of him when he described him in Congress somhall for ages to come Remember the monster, thou vilest of scum. John Young Brown addressed the House in these words: Mr. Speaker,—The South is broken. It lianed forward, as if he wanted to drink in the fearful arraignment to the full. Brown was evidently deeply in earnest, and after the first interruption by Hale, of Nof his words became apparent, the Speaker rattled savagely with his gavel. But Brown was no more to be stopped than a whirlwind. He leaned forward, his face crimsoce, are rarely heard, and could not but have moved the most stolid auditor. Brown was censured by the Speaker, and wore it as a badge of honor. He is the only m
Saturday Review (search for this): chapter 1.20
ether as if to force the scathing words out faster and still more forcibly. As his voice died on their ears, the first impulse moved everyone to a long breath of relief. Such stinging words, such terrible denunciation, put with so much of real eloquence, are rarely heard, and could not but have moved the most stolid auditor. Brown was censured by the Speaker, and wore it as a badge of honor. He is the only man who ever pierced the rhinosceronian hide of Ben Butler. The London Saturday Review, of June 14, 1862, said: The proclamation of General Butler, at New Orleans, has been read in England with a horror which no other event in this deplorable Civil war has created. The attention it has excited in Parliament inadequately represents the general feeling of indignation among us. It is difficult to conceive that a civilized man can have written it, or that civilized man can have been fouud to carry it out. This is not a generation in which men shudder at the ordinary horro
are banditti. We have heard it echoed everywhere that they were thieves and murderers and night-riders. The clergy of that State, Jew and Gentile, have denied it. The business men and Northern residents have denied it. A committee of your own House, a majority being Republicans, has given its solemn and emphatic contradiction, and nailed the slander to the counter. Now what should be said if that accusation should come from one— I speak not of men, but of language within the rules of this House—if that accusation against that people should come from one who is outlawed in his own home from respectable society, whose name is synonymous with falsehood, who is the champion and has been such on all occasions of fraud, who is the apologist of thieves, who is such a prodigy of vice and meanness that to describe him imagination would sicken and invective exhaust itself. In Scotland, years ago, there was a man whose trade was murder, and he earned his livelihood by selling the bodies
re utterly destitute of moral sense than Beast Butler never lived in this country. Soon after theone of our newspapers published an acrostic on Butler: Brutal and vulgar, a coward and knave, Fs unheard in the farthest corner of the hall. Butler clutched nervously at his desk, and leaned for who ever pierced the rhinosceronian hide of Ben Butler. The London Saturday Review, of June 14, 1862, said: The proclamation of General Butler, at New Orleans, has been read in England with a hmanity was light compared to that of which General Butler has been guilty. He outraged but one victof. If anything can add to the atrocity of General Butler's proclamation it is the slenderness of thof hopeless, helpless shame. Accordingly, General Butler issues his edict: Any lady who shall, by wght that one on the occasion of the death of Ben Butler was not foreordained. The Beast is dead. s be a stain upon the Federal authorities that Butler was not promptly court-martialed and hanged; y[8 more...]
idated, villages wasted, its people bankrupt. Is there nothing in that situation to touch you with pity? If your magnanimity cannot be touched, will you not be moved by the sense of justice? By a conspiracy between the Attorney-General and Kellogg and a drunken Federal Judge, the sovereignty of State was overthrown. That usurpation has been perpetuated since by bayonets. But recently, one of your Generals entered the legislative halls, as Cromwell entered the English Parliament with Colonel Pride, and ruthlessly expelled the occupants. Onward and onward you go in defiance of the sentiment of the country, without pity and without justice, remorselessly determined, it seems, to drive the Southern people to destruction, to give their roofs to the flames and their flesh to the eagles. A Federal General steps on the scene and sends a dispatch to the world that the people of the State are banditti. We have heard it echoed everywhere that they were thieves and murderers and night-rid
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